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The Latest Supreme Court Decision In Inec V. Zenith Labour Party And Its Broader Implications

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The above decision of the apex Court has, no doubt, generated considerable discussion among politicians, lawyers and legal commentators. Interpretations have varied, with different opinions being expressed about the true implication of the judgment.
The certified true copy of the judgment is not yet handy, for reasons that are largely administrative. What has prompted this intervention, however, is an interpretation offered by a colleague which, with respect, calls for further examination. I have therefore restricted myself, at this stage, to the ratios and holdings consistently reported by the major newspapers and television houses, pending the availability of the full judgment.

What is presently not in contest is that the recent decision of the Supreme Court in INEC v. Zenith Labour Party, SC/CR/495/2026, has set aside the judgment of the Court of Appeal and restored the legal validity of Sections 77(5), 77(6), 77(7) and 84(2) of the Electoral Act 2026, which the Court of Appeal had earlier declared unconstitutional. Reports indicate that the Supreme Court held that the provisions are not inconsistent with the 1999 Constitution.

The practical consequence is that political parties are once again required to comply with the statutory requirements relating to their membership registers and the statutory methods of nominating candidates.
But the judgment raises a further and important question:
What happens to candidates who have already been nominated and published by INEC, particularly where an aspirant seeks to challenge their nomination on the basis of the provisions now restored by the Supreme Court?
That question requires a careful distinction between the validity of the law and the validity of an individual candidate’s nomination.

The restoration of Sections 77 and 84 does not amount to automatic disqualification of candidates.
For emphasis, Section 77(5) provides that only persons whose names appear in the party’s membership register are eligible to vote or be voted for at party primaries, congresses and conventions.
Section 77(6) requires the party to use the register submitted to INEC, while Section 77(7) provides that a party which fails to submit its register within the prescribed period is not eligible to field a candidate.
Section 84(2), meanwhile, prescribes direct primaries or consensus as the methods for nomination of candidates.
The Supreme Court has now restored the legal validity of those provisions. But there is a fundamental distinction between saying the statutory requirement is valid and saying a particular candidate has consequently been disqualified.
The Supreme Court did not, by the ZLP judgment, make a blanket order disqualifying candidates who were not parties to that litigation.
This is where the constitutional principle of fair hearing under Section 36 of the 1999 Constitution becomes important. A candidate whose nomination is being attacked must be given an opportunity to be heard before an order affecting his or her legal rights is made. The validity of Sections 77 and 84 cannot, by itself, amount to a judicial determination that every candidate whose nomination is alleged to have been conducted in breach of those provisions is automatically disqualified.
In other words, the Supreme Court has restored the law; it has not adjudicated the individual facts of every nomination conducted under that law.

Sections 29 and 33 become particularly important
Section 29 of the Electoral Act 2026 requires a political party to submit to INEC, not later than 120 days before the general election, the names of candidates who emerged from valid primaries, after which INEC publishes the relevant particulars.
Section 29(5) creates a specific judicial procedure for redress. An aspirant who participated in the party’s primary and has reasonable grounds to believe that information supplied by the candidate concerning his constitutional eligibility is false may approach the Federal High Court.
More importantly, Section 29(6) provides the consequence where the Court determines that such information is false in relation to constitutional requirements of eligibility: the Court is to issue an order disqualifying the candidate and the sponsoring political
This provision is significant. The legislation itself identifies the Court, rather than INEC acting unilaterally, as the institution that makes the consequential order of disqualification under that provision.

Section 33 is equally significant. It provides that a political party shall not change or substitute a candidate whose name has been submitted under Section 29 except in the case of death or withdrawal. Where death or withdrawal occurs, the party is required, within 14 days of the occurrence, to conduct another primary and submit a new candidate.
Thus, once the statutory process under Section 29 has occurred, the question whether a particular candidate should cease to be recognised cannot simply be answered by saying that the Supreme Court has restored Section 77.
This is where the decision of the Supreme Court in
Dingyadi & Anor v. Independent National Electoral Commission & 2 Ors (No. 2) (2011) 18 NWLR (Pt. 1224) becomes particularly instructive.
In that case, the Supreme Court, per Adekeye, JSC, stated in its ratio concerning the powers of INEC that
The Independent National Electoral Commission lacks the power to disqualify any candidate on its own.
The Court further held that the power of disqualification of a candidate, after the candidate’s name has been forwarded to the Commission, belongs to the appropriate court.

It must, however, be emphasised that Dingyadi was decided under the Electoral Act 2006. Its precise statutory setting is therefore different from the Electoral Act 2026. Nevertheless, the principle concerning INEC’s inability to unilaterally disqualify a candidate after nomination is highly relevant to the present discussion, particularly when read alongside Sections 29 and 88 of the 2026 Act.
Indeed, the 2026 Act gives the principle even stronger statutory context.
Section 88 is decisive
Section 88(2) of the Electoral Act 2026 expressly permits an aspirant who participated in a party primary and complains that the Electoral Act or the party’s guidelines were not complied with in the selection or nomination of a candidate to approach the Federal High Court for redress.
Section 88(3) then provides that where the Court finds that the political party failed to comply with the Act in conducting its primaries, its candidate shall not be included in the election for the particular position in issue.
The language is instructive.
It says:
“Where a court finds…”
It does not say:
“Where INEC finds…”
This reinforces the proposition that where the alleged non-compliance requires a consequential determination affecting the candidature of an identified person, the statutory scheme contemplates judicial determination.

Perhaps the most important question arising from the Supreme Court’s decision is:
When did the aspirant’s cause of action accrue?
Section 285(9) of the 1999 Constitution provides that every pre-election matter must be commenced within 14 days from the date of the occurrence of the event, decision or action complained of. The courts have consistently treated this limitation as strict. Consequently, an aspirant cannot ordinarily wait for the publication of a candidate’s name by INEC and automatically contend that the publication created an entirely new cause of action concerning an earlier defective primary.
For example, if the complaint is:
“Candidate A was not qualified to participate in the primary because his name was not on the statutory membership register,” the critical event may be the primary or nomination process itself.
But if the complaint is: “INEC has unlawfully accepted or published Candidate A despite a statutory requirement governing INEC’s own decision or nomination process,”
the subsequent decision of INEC may, depending on the facts and relief sought, constitute a distinct cause of action.
That distinction may ultimately determine whether a particular action is statute-barred.

The next question is “what happens to cases already pending”?
This is perhaps the most difficult question. A pending case does not automatically disappear merely because the legal proposition upon which one party relied has subsequently been rejected by the Supreme Court.
What changes is the law applicable to the determination of the pending controversy.
A lower court is bound by the authoritative interpretation of the Supreme Court. Therefore, where a pending suit seeks a declaration that Sections 77(5)-(7) or 84(2) are unconstitutional, that argument can no longer succeed in the face of the Supreme Court’s decision in ZLP.
But that does not necessarily mean that every pending action challenging a particular nomination has become incompetent.
Suppose, for example, that an aspirant instituted an action within the constitutionally prescribed 14 days challenging a particular primary and alleging that the eventual candidate was not qualified to participate because his name did not appear in the relevant membership register. The Supreme Court’s decision changes the law governing that dispute. The court hearing the case must now apply Sections 77(5)-(7) as valid provisions.
But the court must still determine the facts: Was the candidate actually on the relevant register? Secondly,
was the claimant an eligible aspirant? Thirdly was the action commenced within 14 days? Fourthly, was there compliance with the applicable statutory procedure? Fifthly,
what relief was sought? And, critically, does the statute permit the particular relief claimed?

The ZLP judgment therefore does not necessarily extinguish every pending cause of action.
It changes the legal framework within which those causes of action are to be determined.

The most controversial question is whether INEC now remove already published candidates? This, in my respectful view, requires the greatest caution before I answer.
The answer cannot simply be yes because of the fact Sections 77 and 84 have been restored.
INEC will administer and enforce the Electoral Act within the powers conferred upon it by the Constitution and the Act. But where the consequence sought is the disqualification or exclusion of a particular candidate, the Electoral Act itself provides judicial mechanisms. Provision in Section 29(6) expressly contemplates a court order disqualifying the candidate and the sponsoring political party in the circumstances specified therein.
Section 88(3) likewise makes exclusion from the election consequential upon a court’s finding of non-compliance.
And the principle stated by the Supreme Court in Dingyadi & Anor v. INEC & 2 Ors (No. 2) (2011) 18 NWLR (Pt. 1224) 154 remains highly relevant: INEC does not possess an unfettered independent power to disqualify a candidate after the candidate’s name has been forwarded to it.
Accordingly, the ZLP judgment does not, without more, authorise INEC to erase the names of already published candidates.
Where an aspirant has a valid and timely complaint, the proper question is whether the aspirant has invoked the appropriate judicial procedure and whether the court, applying the restored provisions to the established facts, ought to grant the relief sought.
Section 33 reinforces this position.
Once a candidate’s name has been submitted under Section 29, the political party cannot simply substitute that candidate because of a subsequent political development, internal disagreement or because another person is considered more suitable.
The statutory exceptions are death and withdrawal, subject to the procedure prescribed by the Act.
Consequently, Section 33 cannot reasonably be construed as conferring upon INEC a general power of substitution.
Nor can the restoration of Sections 77 and 84 by the Supreme Court be converted into a general administrative power in INEC to substitute candidates who have already been submitted and published.

In all these, three propositions must be key take-aways in this write up.
First, the Supreme Court has restored the validity of Sections 77(5), 77(6), 77(7) and 84(2) of the Electoral Act 2026.
Second, the validity of those provisions does not automatically determine the validity or invalidity of every individual nomination.
Third, the Electoral Act provides judicial procedures for determining whether a particular candidate should be disqualified or excluded.
Section 29(5)-(6) deals with challenges relating to false information concerning constitutional eligibility, while
Section 88(2) gives a participating aspirant a right to challenge non-compliance in the selection or nomination of a candidate, and Section 88(3) provides for exclusion where the Court finds the statutory non-compliance established.
Section 33, meanwhile, restricts substitution of a candidate already submitted under Section 29 to the circumstances specified by law, principally death or withdrawal.

Accordingly, where a candidate’s nomination is challenged by an aspirant, the critical issue is not simply whether Section 77 is now valid. That issue has been settled by the Supreme Court.
The critical questions now include:
When did the cause of action accrue?
Was the claimant an aspirant entitled to invoke the relevant statutory procedure?
Did the claimant have the requisite locus standi?
Was the action commenced within the constitutional 14-day period under Section 285(9)?
Was the complaint about the conduct of the primary, the qualification of the candidate, or an act or decision of INEC?
What precise relief is sought?
Does the Electoral Act entrust that relief to INEC or to a competent court?
Had the candidate already been submitted and published under Sections 29 and 32?
Would the relief sought amount, in substance, to disqualification, exclusion or substitution?
These questions cannot simply be answered by saying that “the Supreme Court has restored Section 77.”
For candidates whose cases were already pending when the Supreme Court delivered its judgment in ZLP, those cases should ordinarily be determined in accordance with the Supreme Court’s authoritative interpretation of the restored provisions. But the judgment does not, without more, transform every pending action into a disqualification proceeding, nor does it retrospectively confer upon INEC a power of unilateral disqualification.
The Supreme Court has restored the law. It is now for a competent court, where properly invoked and within the jurisdiction conferred upon it by the Constitution and the Electoral Act, to determine the consequential rights of a particular candidate on the FACTS of each case.
And one final point should not be lost in the excitement surrounding the ZLP decision:
If a cause of action accrued while the Court of Appeal judgment was operative, the subsequent reversal by the Supreme Court does not necessarily mean that the suit was never competent from the moment it was instituted. The court must examine the nature of the cause of action, the date on which it accrued, the applicable limitation period, the relief claimed and the effect of the Supreme Court’s authoritative declaration of the law.
In every pending case, therefore, the exact relief sought and the date on which the cause of action accrued will be crucial.

Dr. M. O. Ubani, SAN
Legal Practitioner/Policy Analyst

Naira Dollar Exchange Rate 2026: Naira Rises to ₦1,370/$

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Naira dollar exchange rate 2026 as naira rises to ₦1,370 against the US dollar in Nigeria’s parallel market
Naira dollar exchange rate 2026 gains attention as the naira strengthens to about ₦1,370/$ in Nigeria’s parallel market.

The naira dollar exchange rate in 2026 is attracting fresh attention as the Nigerian currency strengthened against the United States dollar in the parallel market.

Latest market reports on September 30 put the dollar at about ₦1,370 in the parallel market, compared with ₦1,375 previously. At the Nigerian Foreign Exchange Market, however, the naira was quoted at about ₦1,329 to the dollar, showing a slight weakening at the official window.

The movements mean Nigerians are still paying different prices for dollars depending on where they buy foreign currency, but the difference between the two markets has narrowed.

Naira dollar exchange rate 2026 affects Nigerians through import costs, foreign payments and everyday expenses.
Changes in the naira dollar exchange rate 2026 can influence import prices, international payments and the cost of goods in Nigeria.

Why the Naira Dollar Exchange Rate Matters

For many Nigerians, the exchange rate is more than a figure displayed on financial websites.

Changes in the naira-dollar rate can affect the cost of imported goods, international school fees, foreign subscriptions, overseas travel and businesses that depend on imported equipment or raw materials.

A stronger naira can reduce some of those pressures if the improvement is sustained and eventually reflected in the prices businesses pay for foreign exchange.

For people receiving money from abroad, however, a stronger naira also means each dollar converted into naira produces slightly less local currency than when the exchange rate is higher.

Official and Parallel Rates Are Moving Closer

One notable development is the shrinking difference between Nigeria’s official and parallel foreign exchange markets.

Recent reports put the gap between the two rates at about ₦41 per dollar, with the parallel market around ₦1,370/$ and the official market around ₦1,329/$.

That is significant because a wide difference between the two markets can encourage people and businesses to seek dollars outside official channels.

Earlier in the week, the naira had traded around ₦1,331.32/$ at the official market, while parallel-market rates were higher.

The relatively narrow movement suggests the naira has remained within a tighter range even while trading volumes have fluctuated.

FX Trading Activity Has Slowed

FX trading activity slows in Nigeria as naira dollar exchange rate 2026 remains relatively stable despite lower market turnover.
FX trading activity has slowed in Nigeria, but the naira dollar exchange rate 2026 has remained within a relatively narrow range.

There is another figure Nigerians watching the exchange rate should pay attention to: the amount of dollars actually changing hands in the official market.

Central Bank of Nigeria data cited by Nairametrics showed that NFEM turnover dropped to about $196.7 million on September 28, its lowest level in seven weeks. Despite the sharp decline in transaction volume, the exchange rate itself remained within a relatively narrow band.

This means one day’s exchange-rate movement should not automatically be interpreted as the beginning of a sustained appreciation.

The direction of the naira will continue to depend on factors including dollar supply and demand, foreign-exchange liquidity, imports, investment flows and Central Bank policies.

CBN Resets Interest Rate to 23%

The exchange-rate movements are also coming shortly after the Central Bank of Nigeria changed its monetary policy stance.

At its September 21–22 meeting, the CBN reset the Monetary Policy Rate to 23 per cent, down from the previous 26.5 per cent level.

Reuters reported last week that Nigeria’s naira had remained relatively stable, supported partly by central-bank interventions even after the interest-rate change.

That makes the coming weeks important for households, businesses and investors watching whether the currency can maintain its recent stability.

What Nigerians Should Watch Next

The important question is no longer simply whether the naira gained a few naira against the dollar in one trading session.

The bigger test will be whether the naira dollar exchange rate in 2026 can remain stable for a sustained period and whether the difference between official and parallel-market rates continues to narrow.

Naira dollar exchange rate 2026 outlook as Nigerians watch official and parallel market rates, FX liquidity and CBN policy.
Nigerians are watching the naira dollar exchange rate 2026 for signs of sustained stability, stronger FX liquidity and a narrower gap between official and parallel market rates.

For consumers, lasting stability could make it easier to plan expenses linked to foreign currency. For businesses, it could improve certainty when calculating the cost of imports and international payments.

For now, the naira’s move to around ₦1,370/$ in the parallel market and ₦1,329/$ officially represents an improvement in the street market but not yet evidence of a permanent change in direction.

Parallel-market rates can also vary by dealer and location, so figures quoted outside the official market should be treated as indicative rather than a single nationwide rate.

Nigeria at 66: Are Nigerians Better Off Than Last Year?

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A Nigerian market displaying food items amid continued cost-of-living pressures.
A Nigerian market displaying food items amid continued cost-of-living pressures.

As Nigeria marks 66 years of independence, one question is becoming harder to avoid: are Nigerians actually better off than they were a year ago?

On paper, there are signs of improvement.

Nigerians in the diasporo celebrating indepence.
Nigerians in the diaspora

Inflation has eased significantly under Nigeria’s rebased Consumer Price Index, with the National Bureau of Statistics reporting headline inflation at 15.39% in August 2026, compared with 15.43% in July. However, food inflation remained considerably higher at 19.57%, a reminder that the prices households notice most are still rising.

The economy is also growing. The International Monetary Fund projects Nigeria’s real GDP to expand by 4.1% in 2026, while the World Bank says the economy grew by 4.2% in the first half of the year. But the World Bank also notes that growth remains insufficient to generate enough productive jobs and materially reduce poverty.

That creates Nigeria’s independence anniversary paradox: the numbers are improving, but many households are still struggling to feel the improvement.

Inflation is falling — but prices are not going back

This is perhaps the most important distinction for consumers.

A fall in inflation does not mean food, transport, rent or household goods have become cheaper. It means prices are increasing more slowly.

For example, if a food item moved from ₦40,000 to ₦80,000 and then rises to ₦92,000, inflation has slowed — but the consumer is still paying significantly more than before.

That distinction matters because food remains one of the biggest drivers of household spending. Nigeria’s August 2026 data put food inflation at 19.57%, substantially above headline inflation.

The IMF has also warned that higher food and transport costs continue to weigh on economic activity and living standards, even as broader macroeconomic conditions improve.

So the question for Nigerians is no longer simply, “Is inflation coming down?”

It is:

When will slower inflation translate into more affordable living?

The Naira is more stable. What does that mean for households?

The naira’s relative stability is another important part of the story.

Nigerian naira notes representing the country's economy and currency challenges.

Exchange-rate stability can reduce uncertainty for businesses, improve planning and ease some imported-cost pressures. But the benefits do not automatically appear in household budgets overnight.

Businesses still have to deal with accumulated costs from previous exchange-rate shocks, while consumers continue to pay prices that were established during periods of much higher inflation.

That is why economic stabilisation can feel different depending on where you stand.

For an investor or business owner, a more predictable exchange rate may be welcome news.

For a family buying food every week, the more immediate question is whether the amount of food ₦50,000 can buy today is greater or smaller than it was last year.

Then there is the government’s spending problem

Nigeria’s fiscal position provides another important test of whether today’s stabilisation can translate into better living standards.

The original 2026 Federal Budget proposal projected ₦34.33 trillion in revenue against ₦58.18 trillion in expenditure, leaving a deficit of ₦23.85 trillion. The proposal also allocated ₦15.52 trillion to debt servicing.

The figures changed when the final appropriation was signed. The 2026 budget eventually received presidential assent with an aggregate expenditure figure of ₦68.32 trillion, including ₦15.8 trillion for debt service.

That difference is important when discussing Nigeria’s finances: the ₦58.18 trillion figure relates to the budget proposal’s federal expenditure framework, while ₦68.32 trillion is the aggregate figure in the enacted appropriation.

Either way, the underlying issue remains the same: Nigeria needs to raise more revenue and ensure that borrowed and collected funds translate into productive public spending.

The IMF has similarly identified fiscal management, infrastructure, electricity, agriculture, security and human capital as important areas for sustaining inclusive growth.

Four percent growth — enough for 242 million Nigerians?

Nigeria’s projected 4.1% economic growth is significant. But GDP growth alone does not tell us whether individual Nigerians are becoming better off.

The IMF puts Nigeria’s 2026 population at about 242.6 million, alongside its 4.1% real GDP growth projection.

That means the economy is expanding while the population is also growing rapidly.

For ordinary Nigerians, the real test is therefore not simply:

“Is GDP growing?”

It is:

“Is GDP growing fast enough to create jobs, raise incomes, improve productivity and expand access to basic services?”

The World Bank’s assessment captures this gap. It says Nigeria’s macroeconomic performance improved in 2026, but household incomes have not fully recovered and poverty remains high.

That is where the independence anniversary conversation becomes more than a debate about statistics.

So, is Nigeria better off?

The evidence points to a mixed picture rather than a simple yes or no.

There has been measurable improvement in macroeconomic stability. Inflation is much lower than the extremely high levels seen during the earlier part of the reform period. Economic growth has strengthened, while international institutions say Nigeria’s external and fiscal positions have improved.

But stabilisation is not the same thing as prosperity.

Food inflation remains elevated. Household incomes have not fully recovered. Poverty and food insecurity remain significant concerns, and the cost of transport, housing, energy and other essentials continues to shape how Nigerians experience the economy. The IMF estimated that 27 million Nigerians faced food insecurity in the fall of 2025, while reporting poverty at 63% under the national poverty line.

So perhaps the better question for Nigeria at 66 is not simply whether the economy is better.

It is whether the improvements in the economic dashboard are now reaching the kitchen table.

Because ultimately, Nigerians will judge economic recovery not only by inflation charts, GDP figures or exchange rates, but by a much simpler calculation:

What can my income buy today — and can I afford tomorrow?

Nigerian Civil Service Strike October: What to Know

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Nigerian civil service strike October 2026 over fuel prices and wage demands
Nigerian public servants are threatening an October warning strike over fuel prices, wage demands and minimum wage negotiations.

Nigerian Civil Service Strike October: Why Workers Are Threatening Action

Nigerians searching for the Nigerian civil service strike October are watching a fresh labour dispute that could disrupt government services from Friday, October 2.

Public servants under the Joint National Public Service Negotiating Council, JNPSNC, have threatened a three-day warning strike if the Federal Government fails to address demands involving petrol prices, a wage award and preparations for another national minimum wage review. The council says public-sector workers have already been mobilised for the proposed action.

The strike is not yet an indefinite shutdown. It has been announced as a three-day warning strike, meaning negotiations or government concessions could still prevent the action from going ahead.

Nigeria civil service strike October as workers threaten action over fuel prices and wage demands
Nigerian civil servants are threatening strike action in October over rising fuel costs, wage demands and calls for fresh minimum wage talks.

Why are civil servants threatening to strike?

At the centre of the dispute are three major demands.

First, the JNPSNC wants the Federal Government to take steps that would bring the pump price of petrol down to ₦500 per litre. The unions argue that higher fuel costs have increased transport and everyday living expenses for workers.

Second, the council is demanding an immediate wage award to provide additional financial support to workers facing higher living costs.

Nigerian civil service strike October over fuel prices, wage award and minimum wage demands
Civil servants are threatening an October warning strike as they demand lower petrol prices, an immediate wage award and the start of new minimum wage negotiations

Third, it wants the government to establish a tripartite committee and begin preparations for negotiations over the next national minimum wage, which is expected to become due for review in 2027.

Why is the minimum wage already being discussed?

Nigeria’s national minimum wage was increased from ₦30,000 to ₦70,000 in 2024. The amendment also shortened the statutory review period from five years to three years, meaning another review is due after the current three-year cycle.

The public-sector unions say beginning negotiations early could prevent delays when the next wage adjustment becomes due.

Their position goes further than simply requesting the start of negotiations. JNPSNC has called for discussions around a minimum wage of not less than ₦500,000, although that figure remains a union demand and has not been adopted by the Federal Government.

When could the October strike begin?

The council gave the government a September 30 deadline to respond to its demands and said the three-day warning strike would begin on Friday, October 2, if sufficient action is not taken.

Union leaders have also pointed to President Bola Tinubu Independence Day address on October 1 as an opportunity for the government to respond publicly to the concerns raised by workers.

As of the morning of September 30, reports reviewed by LN247 showed that the unions were maintaining their strike notice; no cited official announcement had confirmed that the dispute had been resolved.

LC backs public-sector unions

The Nigeria Labour Congress has also expressed support for the public-sector union’s position. LC officials have linked the demands to the wider cost-of-living pressures being experienced by workers across different sectors.

That support gives the dispute wider significance, although the currently announced October 2 action comes specifically from the public-sector unions represented by the JNPSNC.

What could happen next?

The next 48 hours are crucial.

A government response addressing petrol costs, wage relief or minimum-wage negotiations could lead to further discussions between both sides. If there is no agreement, however, public servants represented by the council are expected to proceed with the three-day warning strike.

For Nigerians following the Nigerian civil service strike October trend, the key development to watch will be whether the Federal Government and labour unions reach an agreement before October 2.

Uganda Targets Nigerian-Born Players With Ugandan Heritage

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The Federation of Uganda Football Associations (FUFA) has stepped up efforts to attract professional players with Ugandan heritage, including Nigerian-born players, to the Uganda Cranes.

FUFA says it has identified more than 200 professional players around the world who may be eligible to represent Uganda under FIFA rules and Ugandan laws. Twenty players have so far been selected for further engagement, with nine already joining the national team camp.

Among the players linked to Uganda are Nigerian-born goalkeepers Akpan David Udoh and Kingdom Osayi.

Udoh, who plays for Mosta FC in Malta, was part of Nigeria’s squad that won the FIFA U-17 World Cup in 2015. 

He is eligible to represent Uganda through his grandmother, Auma, who was born in Busia, Uganda.

Osayi, who plays for Swedish club Assyriska FF, was born to Nigerian parents and qualifies through his maternal grandmother, who was born in Kaberamaido, Uganda. The 1.98-metre goalkeeper gives Uganda another option in goal.

FUFA’s heritage recruitment also includes players from different countries and backgrounds, including Abdoulaye Sissako of Sint-Truiden, Dieudonne Gaucho Debohi of Raków Częstochowa, Souleyman Diaby of FC Winterthur, Vula Arnold of Beerschot and Kelvin Owusu Boateng of Austria Vienna.

The list also features Noble Okello Ayo and Nathan Asiimwe, who have already represented Uganda in the 2027 AFCON qualifiers.

FUFA said the recruitment programme is part of a wider plan to strengthen the Uganda Cranes through heritage players, improved domestic competitions and structured youth academies.

The federation is also working to complete the necessary documentation for the other identified players as it seeks to build a bigger pool of eligible players ahead of the 2027 AFCON finals.

Olympics Qualifier: Eguavoen Names 28 Super Falcons Players For Comoros 

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Interim Super Falcons head coach Augustine Eguavoen has invited 28 players for Nigeria’s second-round 2028 Olympic Games qualifying tie against Comoros.

Captain Rasheedat Ajibade, goalkeeper Chiamaka Nnadozie, defenders Michelle Alozie, Oluwatosin Demehin and Ashley Plumptre are among the players called up for the two-legged fixture.

Also included are midfielders Christy Ucheibe, Toni Payne and Jennifer Echegini, while forwards Asisat Oshoala, Gift Monday, Joy Omewa and Uchenna Kanu are part of the squad.

The squad also features several young players, including Christiana Uzoma, Farida Abdulwahab, Tumininu Adeshina, Favour Nkwocha, Shakirat Moshood, Oluwakemi Adegbuyi and Janet Akekoromowei.

The invited players are expected to report to the AM2PM Hotel in Ijebu-Ode on Saturday, October 3, ahead of the crucial Olympic qualifying tie.

Comoros will host the first leg on Friday, October 9, while Nigeria will host the return leg on Tuesday, October 13.

Both matches will be played at the Remo Stars Sports Stadium in Ikenne-Remo, as Comoros does not have a CAF-approved stadium for international matches.

The Super Falcons must secure victory on aggregate to advance to the third round of the five-stage qualifying campaign, which will conclude in December 2027.

28 Super Falcons Players

Goalkeepers: Chiamaka Nnadozie, Comfort Erhabor, Christiana Uzoma.

Defenders: Michelle Alozie, Shukurat Oladipo, Farida Abdulwahab, Glory Ogbonna, Oluwatosin Demehin, Glory Edet, Ashley Plumptre, Tumininu Adeshina.

Midfielders: Christy Ucheibe, Joy Igbokwe, Favour Nkwocha, Fatimoh Solaty, Suliat Abideen, Toni Payne, Jennifer Echegini.

Forwards: Rasheedat Ajibade, Asisat Oshoala, Flourish Sabastine, Shakirat Moshood, Gift Monday, Joy Omewa, Blessing Nkor, Oluwakemi Adegbuyi, Janet Akekoromowei, Uchenna Kanu.

AFCON 2027 Qualifier: Guinea-Bissau Shock Super Eagles With 3-0 Defeat In Bissau

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Nigeria’s Super Eagles suffered a heavy 3-0 defeat to Guinea-Bissau on Tuesday in their 2027 Africa Cup  of Nations qualifying match at the Estádio Nacional 24 de Setembro in Bissau.

The result was a major setback for Nigeria, who had started their Group L campaign with a 2-1 comeback victory over Madagascar in Uyo.

Nigeria fell behind against Madagascar after Ehsan Kari opened the scoring, but debutant George Ilenikhena equalised before Moses Usor completed the comeback in the second half.

Guinea-Bissau also began their qualifying campaign with a victory, defeating Tanzania 2-0 away from home.

For the match in Bissau, Super Eagles coach Eric Chelle made three changes to the team that started against Madagascar. Bright Osayi-Samuel replaced Ola Aina, Frank Onyeka came in for Samuel Chukwueze, while Taiwo Awoniyi replaced Ilenikhena.

Guinea-Bissau started strongly and put Nigeria under pressure from the opening minutes.

The hosts took the lead in the 15th minute through Franculino Djú. Renato Nhaga sent a long pass into Nigeria’s half, and Djú beat Bruno Onyemaechi before curling the ball beyond goalkeeper Stanley Nwabali.

Nigeria struggled to find their rhythm after conceding and went into the break 1-0 down.

The Super Eagles introduced Moses Sim

on and Moses Usor after the break as they looked for a way back into the game, but Guinea-Bissau remained in control.

The hosts doubled their lead when Mamadi Camara received the ball from Mama Baldé, dribbled into the Nigerian box and fired a low shot into the bottom corner.

Nigeria could not find a response as Guinea-Bissau continued to threaten.

The hosts completed the victory deep into stoppage time when Álvaro Djaló finished a solo run by firing past Nwabali to make it 3-0.

The defeat leaves Nigeria with work to do in their bid to qualify for the 2027 AFCON.

The Super Eagles will now look to recover in their next qualifying fixture as they continue their Group L campaign.

The loss also comes after Nigeria missed out on qualification for the 2026 FIFA World Cup, increasing the pressure on the team to secure a place at the next major tournament.

Just In: Tinubu Leaves Paris After European Working Vacation

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French President Emmanuel Macron receiving President Bola Tinubu in Paris.
This photo combo shows French President Emmanuel Macron receiving President Bola Tinubu in Paris. (Photo Credit: x/@officialABAT)

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has departed Paris, France, for Nigeria after completing a working vacation in Europe.

According to a statement by his Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, the President’s aircraft is expected to arrive at the Murtala Muhammed Airport in Lagos later on Tuesday.

Tinubu left Abuja on August 30 for the working vacation. He spent about a week in London before travelling to Paris.

Why Tinubu Is Returning Through Lagos

The Presidency said Tinubu chose to return through Lagos to honour the memory of MKO Abiola, a prominent figure in Nigeria’s democratic struggle.

The President is expected to attend the premiere of a film celebrating Abiola at the Wole Soyinka National Theatre, Iganmu, on October 1, Nigeria’s Independence Day.

The event is expected to form part of activities marking the country’s 66th Independence anniversary.

Tinubu Expected To Hold Political Meetings

While in Lagos, Tinubu is also expected to meet with political leaders and associates.

According to the Presidency, the meetings will form part of his political engagements ahead of the 2027 elections.

After completing his engagements in Lagos, Tinubu is expected to return to Abuja.

The Presidency has not provided further details on the specific political meetings planned for Lagos.

RAF Fairford Incident: Rubio Says Foreign Actor Involved

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US Secretary of State Marco Rubio speaking during an interview about the suspected RAF Fairford incident.
Secretary Marco Rubio meets with the press at the United Nations General Assembly in New York City, New York, September 23, 2026. (Official State Department photo by Freddie Everett)

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio says a suspected terror plot near RAF Fairford in Gloucestershire “clearly involves the hands of a foreign actor,” but he has not provided evidence to support the claim.

Speaking to Fox News, Rubio said the incident highlighted the threat posed by groups or states that have threatened US interests around the world, citing Iran as an example.

Iran has strongly denied any involvement, with its embassy in London describing suggestions linking Tehran to the incident as “unfounded and malicious.”

Five UK Nationals Arrested

A major incident was declared over the weekend after police were alerted to three suspicious vehicles near RAF Fairford.

Dozens of homes in the surrounding area were evacuated as police investigated.

Five men, all UK nationals aged between 23 and 25 and from London, were arrested on suspicion of terrorism offences. They have since been released on bail under conditions restricting their movement and contact with others.

Assistant Commissioner Laurence Taylor of Counter Terrorism Policing said investigators were considering “all angles”, including the possibility that individuals could have been acting as proxies for a foreign state, either knowingly or unknowingly.

Why RAF Fairford Matters

RAF Fairford has been used as a forward operating base by the US Air Force for decades.

Police officers maintaining a security cordon near RAF Fairford in Gloucestershire following the reported incident.

In recent months, US bombers have operated from the base in connection with strikes against Iran after the UK approved an American request to use the facility for what the government described as defensive operations.

Iran has previously warned that bases used for attacks against its territory could be considered legitimate targets.

The latest incident has therefore raised security concerns around the base, although authorities have yet to establish who was behind the suspected plot or what its intended target was.

Authorities Urge Against Speculation

The investigation remains ongoing.

UK Prime Minister Andy Burnham chaired a Cobra emergency meeting and urged the public not to speculate while investigators establish the facts.

US President Donald Trump also commented on the arrests, saying he was surprised the suspects had been released on bail.

Meanwhile, a police cordon remained around RAF Fairford on Tuesday as investigators continued their work.

RAF Fairford in Gloucestershire where police are investigating a suspected terror incident involving suspicious vehicles.

For residents nearby, the incident has created anxiety and uncertainty, with some describing heightened concern about suspicious vehicles and activity in the area.

Authorities have not yet publicly established a link between the suspects and Iran or any other foreign government.

Why Obi Changed His Subsidy Stance

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Barely a month ago, Peter Obi was clear about where he stood on Nigeria’s petrol subsidy.

Speaking at the Nigerian Bar Association conference in Port Harcourt in August, the Nigeria Democratic Congress presidential candidate said subsidy removal should remain in place, despite concerns about how the savings were being managed.

His argument then was that poor management of the proceeds was not enough reason to reverse the policy. (Channels Television)

But by September 28, Obi was presenting a different position.

At an Obi-Kwankwaso town hall meeting in Sokoto, he said an administration led by him would restore petroleum subsidy after dealing with corruption.

“By removing the corruption, I assure you that we will bring back subsidy,” Obi said. (TheCable)

So what changed?

From removing subsidy to removing corruption first

Obi’s latest explanation suggests that he now separates the idea of subsidising petrol from the corruption he says has historically surrounded the system.

Obi's argument in Sokoto was that corruption — rather than subsidy itself — is the central problem.
Peter Obi Debt on subsidy

His argument in Sokoto was that corruption — rather than subsidy itself — is the central problem.

That represents a significant shift from his August position.

Then, Obi argued that Nigeria should retain subsidy removal and redirect the savings towards sectors such as healthcare and other public services. He also criticised what he described as the mismanagement of resources generated by the removal. (Channels Television)

The new position is different: tackle corruption first, then restore some form of support for petrol prices.

However, Obi did not provide detailed figures at the Sokoto event explaining how much such a subsidy would cost, how it would be funded or precisely what form it would take. (TheCable)

Kwankwaso had already signalled a different subsidy plan

Obi’s announcement also comes days after his running mate, Rabiu Kwankwaso, publicly said an NDC government would reintroduce fuel subsidy “in our own way.”

During an Arise News interview on September 22, Kwankwaso said the proposed approach could include increased government investment in domestic refining, with the aim of making petrol available at a more affordable price. (Arise News)

Two days later, both the NDC and representatives of Obi’s camp publicly backed Kwankwaso’s proposal for a different form of subsidy. (Punch Newspapers)

Obi’s announcement also comes days after his running mate, Rabiu Kwankwaso, publicly said an NDC government would reintroduce fuel subsidy “in our own way.”
Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso at an NDC political event.

That sequence provides important context to Obi’s Sokoto declaration.

It does not establish why Obi personally changed his position, but it shows that the wider NDC had already begun moving towards a policy of reducing fuel prices through some form of government intervention before his latest statement.

Why corruption is central to Obi’s new argument

Nigeria’s old petrol subsidy system has long attracted allegations of fraud, inflated claims, smuggling and other leakages.

President Bola Tinubu also cited corruption and the fiscal burden of the subsidy when defending its removal after taking office in 2023. His administration maintains that the former system consumed resources that could have been used for areas such as healthcare, education and infrastructure. (State House Abuja)

Obi’s latest position therefore does not dispute that corruption affected the old system.

The difference is in the proposed response.

Instead of keeping subsidy permanently removed because of those problems, Obi now says corruption should first be tackled before government support for fuel prices is restored.

The unanswered question: what would Obi’s subsidy look like?

The key policy question now is not simply whether Obi supports or opposes subsidy.

It is what kind of subsidy he is proposing.

Kwankwaso has spoken about increasing domestic refining capacity and bringing down petrol prices. Obi has focused on eliminating corruption before restoring subsidy.

But neither statement, so far, provides a detailed funding model, expected petrol price, eligibility structure or estimate of the cost to government.

Those details would determine whether the proposal resembles Nigeria’s former subsidy regime or represents an entirely different system.

What the shift means ahead of 2027

Fuel prices remain a major economic and political issue ahead of Nigeria’s 2027 election.

The Tinubu administration argues that removing the subsidy was necessary because of its fiscal cost and says the decision helped prevent deeper financial problems. (State House Abuja)

Obi’s latest position offers a different approach: remove corruption first, then use government intervention to make fuel more affordable.

The change also means voters now have two statements from Obi made just weeks apart — one supporting subsidy removal and another promising to restore subsidy after tackling corruption.

The next question is whether the NDC will turn that pledge into a detailed policy explaining how the proposed subsidy would work, who would benefit and how Nigeria would pay for it.