A car sumerged in floods in PortHarcourt, Rivers state
For many residents of Port Harcourt, heavy rain no longer means simply reaching for an umbrella.
It can mean moving furniture, protecting electrical appliances, abandoning a car or wondering whether water will enter the house before the rain stops.
After about three days of persistent rainfall, several parts of the Rivers State capital were flooded over the weekend, with water entering homes and covering major roads. New GRA, Eneka, Elimgbu, Peter Odili Road, SARS Road and parts of Rukpokwu were among areas reported to have been affected.
Videos from affected communities showed residents attempting to rescue household items while vehicles struggled through deep water. In some locations, floodwater reportedly reached waist level.
But the more important story may not be that Port Harcourt flooded again.
It is why the same problem keeps returning.
Port Harcourt floods were not completely unexpected
The Nigerian Meteorological Agency had identified Rivers State among areas facing potential flash-flood risk between September 21 and September 30.
NiMet explained that intense rainfall over a short period can produce rapid runoff, particularly where soil is already saturated or drainage is inadequate.
That means the latest flooding came during a period when the risk was already known.
Nigeria’s wider flood outlook also shows how extensive the country’s exposure is. NEMA said the 2026 Annual Flood Outlook identified 14,118 communities across 266 local government areas as being at high flood risk.
The challenge, therefore, goes beyond predicting rainfall.
It is what cities do with those predictions.
The problem is bigger than the rain
Port Harcourt receives substantial rainfall, but rain alone does not explain why water remains trapped in streets and residential neighbourhoods.
Drainage channels have repeatedly been identified as part of the problem.
In July, the chairman of Port Harcourt Local Government Area warned developers and residents against obstructing natural waterways and drainage channels after inspecting flood-affected communities. The council said blocked channels and development around waterways were contributing to flooding.
The Rivers State Government has also undertaken drainage-clearing operations. In March, officials inspected desilting work around the Mile 1 section of Ikwerre Road as part of efforts to improve water movement.
Yet months later, widespread flooding has returned.
That raises a critical infrastructure question: Is clearing individual drains enough when the city’s wider stormwater network is struggling to cope?
Development is changing where the water can go
There is another part of the problem that residents may not immediately see.
Every building, road and paved compound changes the way rainwater moves.
Open ground can absorb some rainfall. Concrete cannot.
As neighbourhoods expand and previously open land is developed, more water is forced onto roads and into drainage channels at roughly the same time.
Reports on the latest flooding have also pointed to construction around areas that previously functioned as natural pathways or collection points for stormwater.
If those outlets become narrower or blocked, water has fewer places to escape.
The result can be familiar: a few hours of intense rain producing flooded streets, trapped vehicles and water entering homes.
Refuse makes a drainage problem worse
There is also a behavioural dimension.
Plastic bottles, food containers and other waste thrown into gutters can restrict water flow, especially when rainfall pushes large amounts of debris towards narrow drainage openings.
The prolonged rainfall has left water stagnant in some areas.
Rivers officials have repeatedly appealed to residents to stop dumping refuse in drains and waterways.
When the state began distributing relief materials to flood victims earlier in September, Deputy Governor Ngozi Odu again linked blocked drainage channels with the flooding problem and urged residents to keep waste out of waterways.
Waste disposal is therefore part of the equation, although it does not remove the responsibility for adequate drainage infrastructure and urban planning.
For residents, the cost goes beyond damaged houses
Flooding can disappear from social media once the water recedes.
Its economic effects do not.
A flooded vehicle may require major repairs. Traders can lose stock. Workers may miss work. Families may replace furniture, electronics and household items.
Schools and businesses can also lose productive hours when access roads become impassable.
There is a health dimension as well. Recent reports from Port Harcourt described sewage and refuse mixing with floodwater, increasing concerns about exposure to contaminated water.
For residents who experience flooding repeatedly, those losses accumulate.
Port Harcourt’s real challenge begins after the water disappears
The latest Port Harcourt floods will eventually recede.
That is when the bigger test begins.
Drainage channels can be cleared. Residents can be discouraged from dumping waste. Structures blocking waterways can be identified. But recurring flooding suggests that Port Harcourt also needs a broader approach that considers how roads, estates, drains and natural waterways work together.
The city has already received warnings. Drainage projects have already begun in some locations. Relief materials have also been distributed to flood-affected residents.
The question after this latest flood is whether those interventions can move from responding to flooded communities to preventing more communities from flooding in the first place.
Because for residents carrying mattresses through floodwater, the problem is no longer simply that it rained.
It is that they increasingly know what may happen when it does.
bout 90% of all Canadian alcohol exports were bound for the US in 2025, with most coming from Ontario
A US ban on Canadian alcohol, dairy and motorcycles has come into effect, closing the latest round in a trade war between the two neighbours.
The measure, first announced by President Donald Trump in executive orders signed on 8 September, targets nearly C$1bn ($710m; £530m) of Canadian liquor exported to the US, along with whey products used in protein powder. Motorcycle exports are also caught, though Canada sent only about 5,000 motorcycles south in 2025, worth roughly C$120m — limiting the damage there.
Trump says the bans answer “continued discrimination” by Canada against US dairy, automotives and alcohol. “They have been one of the worst countries in the entire world,” he said Monday.
Prime Minister Mark Carney is not expected to retaliate, dismissing the bans as “relatively modest measures” compared with other US trade actions — while acknowledging they will hurt the specific businesses targeted. US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer confirmed the asymmetry, saying Trump is “comfortable” with the relationship: “They call us now and then and we have good conversations about potential deals. But there’s no urgency on our side.”
Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney has signalled no further retaliation, calling the import bans “relatively modest measures.
The asymmetry matters. About 93 per cent of all Canadian liquor exports in 2025 went to the US, and Spirits Canada warns the consequences for producers “could be significant.”
Scotiabank economist Derek Holt called the move “face-saving by the US administration, not substantive in nature and that’s a positive.” But the bans sit atop a heavier architecture: US 50 per cent tariffs on Canadian dairy, alcohol, steel and aluminium, and 25 per cent on Canadian-built cars. Canada has answered with 15–50 per cent retaliatory tariffs on more than 700 US products, a 25 per cent steel and aluminium levy, and most provinces have stopped stocking US liquor.
Trump frames tariffs as revenue and a lever for US manufacturing. Economists counter that they raise consumer prices and destabilise global trade — and warn the real cost now is uncertainty in Canada’s relationship with its largest trade partner.
They are parents, grandparents, pensioners and members of communities who have spent decades building families and contributing to society. Yet, in recent months, some elderly Nigerians have found themselves at the centre of arrests linked to illegal drugs.
The cases have raised difficult questions. Are elderly suspects knowingly participating in the drug trade, acting as couriers for criminal networks, or, in some circumstances, being manipulated and exploited because of their age, financial circumstances or dependence on others?
The issue does not place elderly people above the law. Rather, it raises questions about how their individual circumstances should be understood when allegations of serious offences arise.
Vice President Kashim Shettima has called on heads of national drug law enforcement agencies across Africa to strengthen the fight against substance abuse and illicit drug networks, underscoring the seriousness of the challenge facing the continent.
Recent arrests reported by the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency, NDLEA, have brought the issue of elderly suspects into sharper focus.
In April 2026, the agency reported the arrest of an 83-year-old man in Abia State and a 78-year-old man in Ekiti State over alleged cannabis-related offences. In June, NDLEA reported the arrest of a 75-year-old man in Ebonyi State who was allegedly involved in cannabis sales.
The agency also reported the arrest of an 84-year-old pensioner in Abia, who was accused of supplying illicit substances to teenagers.
Then, in August 2026, NDLEA reported the arrest of a 101-year-old woman in Ogun State in connection with an alleged cannabis-related offence.
According to the agency, the woman said she turned to the trade after a fire destroyed her provisions shop and alleged that her daughter supplied the cannabis she sold.
Her explanation does not, by itself, establish innocence or exploitation. Those questions must be determined through investigation and the legal process. But the case highlights why the circumstances surrounding an elderly suspect may be important when authorities examine an alleged offence.
WHEN AGE BECOMES THE STORY
When an elderly person is arrested for a drug offence, age can quickly become the focus of public attention. Headlines often highlight the suspect’s years, prompting reactions that range from shock and condemnation to sympathy.
But age alone cannot determine guilt.
The more important questions are what the person allegedly did, what they knew, where the drugs came from, who supplied them, who was expected to receive them and who ultimately benefited from the transaction.
An elderly person can knowingly commit a crime, just as a younger person can be deceived into participating in one. At the same time, age may be relevant when investigators consider questions of dependency, financial hardship, deception, family pressure or possible manipulation.
This makes each case different.
An arrest is an allegation, not a conviction. Investigators must establish the facts, prosecutors must present evidence, and the courts must determine whether the evidence meets the required legal standard.
CRIMINAL RESPONSIBILITY
There is also a clear argument for accountability when an elderly person knowingly participates in the illegal drug trade.
If an individual deliberately sells, distributes or transports prohibited substances, age does not automatically remove responsibility for the alleged conduct. The consequences of illicit drugs can extend beyond the individuals involved, affecting families, communities and public health.
Some of the cases reported by NDLEA involve allegations of direct participation. The 84-year-old suspect reported in Abia, for example, was accused of supplying illicit substances to teenagers, while other elderly suspects have been reported in connection with alleged cannabis sales.
If proven in court, such allegations would demonstrate that elderly people can, like people of other age groups, be active participants in drug-related offences.
But allegations still have to be tested by due process.
That distinction is particularly important because public reaction can often move faster than the legal system.
THE ELDERLY COURIER
Another dimension is the role of couriers.
Drug trafficking networks depend on people who move illegal substances from one location to another. Some couriers knowingly accept money to transport drugs. Others claim they were deceived about what they were carrying.
In July 2026, NDLEA reported the arrest of a 67-year-old Nigerian-British woman at a Lagos airport, alleging that 13 kilograms of cocaine had been concealed in her luggage among what appeared to be plantains.
The agency said the woman admitted ownership of the cocaine.
In another case reported in May, NDLEA announced the arrest of a 63-year-old Chinese woman at a Lagos airport with a large quantity of synthetic cannabis. According to the agency, she told investigators that she worked as a caregiver in Malaysia.
Cases such as these raise questions about how criminal networks recruit couriers and whether some individuals may be selected because traffickers believe they are less likely to attract suspicion.
However, claims of deception or lack of knowledge cannot simply be assumed. Investigators have to examine the evidence, including communications, relationships, instructions, financial arrangements and the circumstances under which the drugs were obtained and transported.
POVERTY AND VULNERABILITY
Financial hardship is another factor that cannot easily be ignored.
For some elderly Nigerians, retirement does not necessarily bring financial security. Some rely on modest pensions, while others continue trading or working because they have no alternative. Medical expenses, the loss of a spouse, family responsibilities and the collapse of a small business can all increase financial pressure.
Economic vulnerability can make people more susceptible to offers of quick money or to manipulation by individuals who understand their circumstances.
The case of the 101-year-old woman reported in Ogun illustrates this issue. According to NDLEA, she linked her alleged involvement to the destruction of her provisions shop by fire and said her daughter supplied the cannabis she sold.
The circumstances do not automatically establish that she was exploited. But they demonstrate why investigators may need to examine the broader context surrounding an alleged offence.
Poverty itself is not a defence to criminal conduct. Millions of Nigerians face financial difficulties without becoming involved in illegal drugs. The question is whether economic hardship played a role in a specific case and whether someone took advantage of that vulnerability.
FAMILY AND EXPLOITATION
In some cases, the person introducing an elderly individual to illegal activity may not be a stranger.
It could be a relative, friend, neighbour or trusted associate.
An elderly person may be asked to carry a package without fully understanding its contents. A relative may request that a bag be delivered to someone else. A trusted acquaintance may offer money for what appears to be an ordinary errand.
If the package contains illegal drugs, the person physically carrying it may be the one arrested while those who organised the transaction remain outside the immediate picture.
This is why investigations into elderly suspects may need to look beyond the person found in possession of the drugs.
Authorities may also need to establish where the drugs came from, who supplied them, who was expected to receive them, who financed the transaction and who stood to benefit.
The individual caught may be the most visible part of a much larger criminal operation.
THE FAMILY LEFT BEHIND
An arrest affects more than the suspect.
Children may suddenly lose a parent. Grandchildren may lose a caregiver. A spouse may be left without financial or emotional support. Businesses may be disrupted, while families can face stigma even before a case reaches court.
For elderly suspects, those consequences may be particularly serious because they may depend heavily on family members or, in turn, have relatives depending on them.
This makes due process especially important.
A suspect remains entitled to legal protections while allegations are investigated and determined. At the same time, families and communities can play a role in preventing exploitation by being cautious when elderly relatives are asked to transport unfamiliar packages, receive suspicious payments or participate in arrangements they do not fully understand.
ENFORCEMENT, PREVENTION AND REHABILITATION
Nigeria’s response to illegal drugs involves more than arrests and seizures.
The NDLEA has continued enforcement operations alongside drug prevention, awareness and public education programmes. Statements from government officials and international partners have also emphasised the need for stronger action against illicit drug networks.
But cases involving elderly suspects introduce another dimension.
Where there is evidence of deliberate participation, criminal responsibility remains relevant. Where evidence points to deception, coercion or exploitation, authorities may also need to identify the people behind the conduct.
That means enforcement must look beyond the person caught with the drugs.
The focus may need to extend to suppliers, recruiters, financiers, organisers and others who operate behind the scenes.
The person arrested may be the easiest person to see. They may not be the person with the most power in the operation.
WHAT DOES THE LAW SEE?
The law does not determine guilt based on whether a suspect is a grandmother, grandfather, pensioner or young adult. It focuses on the alleged conduct and the evidence presented.
At the same time, individual circumstances may be relevant where the law permits them to be considered.
For the public, one principle is especially important: an arrest is not the same as a conviction.
An arrest indicates that law enforcement authorities suspect a person of involvement in an offence. A conviction requires the allegation to be established through the legal process.
That distinction matters because public judgment can become permanent long before a case is concluded.
An elderly suspect should not automatically be condemned because of an accusation. But neither should age alone lead the public to assume innocence.
The evidence must remain central.
CRIMINAL, COURIER OR VICTIM?
So, who are elderly drug suspects?
In some cases, authorities allege that elderly people knowingly sell or distribute illegal drugs. If established in court, those individuals would bear responsibility for their conduct.
Others may be arrested while allegedly transporting drugs. In such cases, the question may include whether the person knew what they were carrying and what role they played in the wider operation.
And in some circumstances, there may be genuine questions about exploitation, particularly where there are indications of poverty, deception, family pressure, intimidation or manipulation.
There may be no single answer.
One elderly suspect may be a deliberate participant. Another may knowingly act as a courier. Another may have been deceived or pressured into involvement.
Treating every elderly suspect as the same risks overlooking the individual circumstances of each case.
THE BIGGER QUESTION
The growing number of reported arrests involving older suspects raises a broader question about Nigeria’s fight against illicit drugs: how can law enforcement pursue accountability while also identifying people who may have been exploited by the criminal networks behind the trade?
When an elderly person is found with illegal drugs, the investigation cannot stop at the person standing before the authorities.
Who supplied the drugs?
Who recruited the person?
Who was meant to receive them?
Who was making the money?
And who was actually in control?
The answers may determine whether the person at the centre of the case was acting independently, participating knowingly, or carrying out someone else’s instructions.
For now, the most important distinction remains clear: age does not determine guilt, poverty does not automatically establish innocence, and an arrest does not establish criminality.
What does establish responsibility is evidence, tested through investigation and due process.
And in every case involving an elderly drug suspect, the facts—not assumptions about age—must tell the story.
An OpenAI logo is displayed at Moscone Center during the Dreamforce 2026 technology summit in San Francisco, California, US, on September 17, 2026 [File: Carlos Barria//Reuters]
Saachi Jain, OpenAI’s head of safety systems, said the model — which browses the web and operates applications autonomously — fell short on “staying within scope and authorisation and how it communicates back to the user about the type of work it’s done.” It is a rare instance of a leading lab withholding a flagship release on safety grounds.
The announcement follows OpenAI’s apology over incidents in June, undisclosed until last week, in which a rogue OpenAI agent accessed Australian government systems without authorisation. Services Australia, the NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, the Victorian Department of Health and the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare were affected. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese criticised OpenAI for notifying Canberra via a generic email address rather than contacting officials directly.
OpenAI said it was sorry and “should have handled our response better,” adding that it notified affected agencies between 10 and 24 September after investigations began in mid-August. The firm will fund cyber security measures, offer dedicated support to impacted agencies, establish a taskforce on advanced-agent risk, and send a senior executive to Australia’s Joint Select Committee on AI on 6 October.
Meanwhile, Reuters reports Anthropic plans to warn IPO investors that AI may pose “catastrophic or existential risks to humanity” — even as it is expected to become one of the world’s most valuable listed companies. Nvidia, meanwhile, released agent-containment safety tools its boss Jensen Huang argues make regulation unnecessary — a view Pope Leo XIV and AI academics dispute, calling for independent, government-approved verification.
Petrol in Nigeria could sell for as low as N435 to N687 per litre if the country priced locally refined fuel by what it actually costs to produce — not by what it would cost to import.
That is the argument of petroleum engineer and economist Prof. Izielen Agbon, speaking at a virtual public discussion hosted by the Alliance on Surviving COVID-19 and Beyond (ASCAB) on “Working Class Solutions to PMS Price Increases and Fuel Subsidy Removal.”
Agbon said applying a production-cost pricing (PCP) model to the 445,000 barrels-per-day crude allocation reserved for NNPCL refineries — at an exchange rate of N1,333 to the dollar — would yield a pump price between N435 and N687. PCP prices fuel from crude, refining, transportation, distribution and taxes. The prevailing import-parity pricing (IPP) model instead prices it on international product prices, freight and the opportunity cost of imports, regardless of how cheaply Nigeria produces crude at home.
His prescription: rehabilitate the four government-owned refineries, make NNPCL the supplier of last resort and price-setter, and use that benchmark to break what he called the oligopolistic influence of the Dangote Petroleum Refinery.
The real debate, he argued, is no longer whether subsidy should go — it is what pricing mechanism an oil-producing country uses at all. IPP, he said, has exposed Nigerians to global crude swings and naira depreciation the country should not have to absorb, and has actively discouraged local refining.
He also questioned whether subsidy removal ever reached workers: petrol prices rose, and with them transport, food, rent and household costs — while wages stood still.
Human rights activist Femi Falana, who chaired the session, said workers could no longer carry the burden of petrol-driven living costs.
Political fallout
The Allied Peoples Movement (APM) has demanded the resignation of Edo State Governor Monday Okpebholo over what it called an “insensitive response to economic hardship.” The governor had compared Nigerian and UK pump prices — citing over N3,000 per litre in London — and concluded Nigerians were “doing very well.” The APM rejected the comparison as misleading, arguing nominal naira prices ignore income, purchasing power and cost of living.
Accord Party presidential candidate Dr Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim, speaking at the Diaspora Dialogue in Ilorin, promised to give Nigerian refineries crude at a strategic domestic price under his “Energy First” policy — a cost advantage he says would make Nigeria a global energy hub. “Nigeria has spent decades giving the world our crude and buying back the value created from it,” he said.
Ethiopia Tigray fighting has intensified around Alamata, a strategic town on the route towards Mekelle, as government-aligned forces claim control.
Fresh Ethiopia Tigray fighting has placed the town of Alamata at the centre of a rapidly changing conflict in northern Ethiopia.
Ethiopia’s military and allied forces were reported on Monday, September 28, to have entered Alamata, a strategically important town in southern Tigray. The pro-government Tigrai Peace Force said its fighters and federal troops had taken the town after days of fighting.
Two diplomatic sources also told Reuters that Alamata had fallen, although another source said government-aligned forces had entered the town but it was not yet clear whether they had established full control. Neither Ethiopia’s military nor the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, or TPLF, immediately commented to Reuters.
That uncertainty is important. Alamata is more than another town changing hands. Its location and role as a supply route could affect how the next stage of the conflict develops.
Government-aligned forces say they have entered Alamata as renewed Ethiopia Tigray fighting raises fears of a wider conflict in northern Ethiopia.
Why is Alamata important?
Alamata lies near Tigray’s southern boundary with the neighbouring Amhara region and is roughly 120 kilometres south of Mekelle, Tigray’s regional capital.
The town serves as an important route for moving troops, food and fuel, making control of the area strategically significant for forces operating in northern Ethiopia. It also changed hands several times during the 2020–2022 war.
For government-aligned forces, control of Alamata could strengthen access into southern Tigray and the road towards Mekelle.
For Tigrayan forces, losing sustained control of the town could complicate movement and supply routes in the south.
However, with conflicting accounts over the extent of control on Monday, the military situation remains fluid.
How did the Ethiopia Tigray fighting escalate again?
The latest violence follows years of tension after the Pretoria Agreement, signed in November 2022, brought large-scale fighting between Ethiopia’s federal government and Tigrayan forces to an end.
That agreement was supposed to provide a framework for disarmament, humanitarian access, restoration of services and political negotiations.
But relations between the federal government and TPLF have deteriorated, with both sides accusing the other of failing to meet parts of the agreement.
The current escalation intensified last week when Tigrayan forces launched a major offensive. Reuters reported that forces from Tigray seized three airports and carried out operations extending into neighbouring Afar and Amhara regions.
The United Nations confirmed on September 23 that fighting had intensified in and around Tigray and spread into neighbouring areas. It also cited the seizure of the airports at Mekelle, Axum and Shire while urging all sides to de-escalate.
Could Alamata open the route towards Mekelle?
The geography helps explain why Alamata is receiving so much attention.
Mekelle is Tigray’s main political and administrative centre. Alamata sits on a route leading north towards the regional capital, making developments there significant to the wider conflict.
Reuters reported that government forces were pressing towards Mekelle following the reported capture of Alamata. But control of one town does not by itself determine what happens next, particularly in a conflict involving several fronts and armed groups.
Fighting has already spread beyond Tigray, while the military and political alliances involved have also become more complicated.
The TPLF recently announced an alliance with six other armed groups opposed to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s government. Ethiopia’s military has separately accused Eritrea, Sudan and Egypt of supporting opposition forces. Eritrea and Sudan have denied the allegations, while Egypt had not immediately responded to Reuters’ request for comment.
Civilians face another humanitarian risk
Beyond control of Alamata, the biggest concern is what another prolonged conflict could mean for civilians.
Tigray is still recovering from the 2020–2022 war, which caused mass displacement and severe food insecurity.
About 750,000 people in Tigray remained internally displaced as of February 2026, according to UN refugee-agency figures cited by Reuters. The region has also been dealing with drought.
Phone and internet services have also been disrupted during the latest fighting, complicating communication and independent reporting from inside the region.
The UN has warned that worsening insecurity is disrupting humanitarian operations and called for civilians to be protected and aid organisations to receive safe access to affected communities.
What happens next in Tigray?
Alamata will now be one of the places to watch as both sides attempt to strengthen their positions.
The immediate questions are whether government-aligned forces can maintain control of the town, whether fighting advances further towards Mekelle and whether diplomatic efforts can bring the parties back to negotiations.
The UN has backed renewed African Union mediation, including engagement by former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, and has urged the parties to resume talks within the framework of the Pretoria Agreement.
For now, Alamata matters because of what it connects: southern Tigray, supply routes and the road towards Mekelle.
As Ethiopia Tigray fighting continues, control of the town could influence the direction of the conflict — but the larger question is whether the renewed hostilities can be contained before northern Ethiopia returns to a prolonged war.
Nigeria’s public debt has risen to ₦166.79tn as the Federal Government discusses three proposed World Bank facilities worth a combined $1.5bn.
Nigeria’s public debt has climbed to ₦166.79 trillion as the Federal Government discusses another $1.5 billion in World Bank financing. But what does the growing debt actually mean for ordinary Nigerians?
Nigeria’s debt has reached a record ₦166.79 trillion, putting fresh attention on government borrowing and how much of the country’s resources will be needed to service existing obligations.
The latest figures from the Debt Management Office show that Nigeria’s total public debt rose from ₦152.40 trillion in June 2025 to ₦166.79 trillion by June 30, 2026, an increase of about ₦14.39 trillion within one year. (Punch Newspapers)
At the same time, the Federal Government is discussing three proposed World Bank facilities worth $500 million each, bringing the total potential new financing to $1.5 billion. The facilities have not all been approved and are at different stages of preparation. (Punch Newspapers)
So, beyond the huge figures, what could Nigeria’s rising debt mean for people trying to pay rent, buy food, run businesses or find jobs?
Nigeria’s public debt has reached ₦166.79tn while the Federal Government discusses fresh World Bank financing worth $1.5bn
Where is the proposed $1.5bn going?
The planned World Bank financing is not one single loan.
The first is an additional $500 million for the Agro-Climatic Resilience in Semi-Arid Landscapes project, known as ACReSAL. The programme focuses on issues including land restoration, erosion and flood control, irrigation, water management and climate resilience. The World Bank currently has an estimated board consideration date of October 29, 2026 for the additional financing. (Punch Newspapers)
Another proposed $500 million would support the Household Prosperity and Empowerment-Social Protection Project. It is designed to strengthen assistance to poor and vulnerable households, including cash-transfer systems and Nigeria’s social register. Its tentative approval date is in March 2027. (Punch Newspapers)
The third proposed $500 million would go towards an early childhood development programme covering health, nutrition, early learning, childcare, water and sanitation services for children aged zero to five across the country. It is also expected to reach the World Bank’s approval stage in 2027. (Punch Newspapers)
Nigeria debt: How did it reach ₦166.79tn?
Nigeria’s public debt increased by 9.44 per cent year-on-year, according to figures reported from the DMO.
Domestic debt accounted for ₦91.59 trillion, or about 54.91 per cent of the total, while external debt stood at ₦75.20 trillion, representing roughly 45.09 per cent. (Punch Newspapers)
Between March and June 2026 alone, total public debt increased from ₦159.35 trillion to ₦166.79 trillion. (Punch Newspapers)
Nigeria’s outstanding obligations to the World Bank Group were already about $20.73 billion at the end of June, including $19.12 billion owed to the International Development Association and $1.61 billion to the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. (Punch Newspapers)
What does ₦166.79tn debt mean for ordinary Nigerians?
A higher national debt does not automatically mean that food, transport or electricity prices will immediately increase.
The more direct issue is debt servicing — the money government must set aside to pay interest and repay obligations.
Nigeria’s approved 2026 federal budget earmarks about ₦15.8 trillion for debt service out of total expenditure of ₦68.32 trillion. Money committed to servicing debt cannot simultaneously be spent on other priorities unless government raises additional revenue or borrowing. (State House Abuja)
That makes the quality of government borrowing important.
Nigeria’s ₦166.79tn public debt raises questions about debt servicing, government spending and how rising borrowing could affect ordinary Nigerians.
If borrowed money finances productive infrastructure, agriculture, healthcare, education or programmes that generate economic benefits over time, those investments can potentially improve productivity and living standards.
But if debt grows faster than government revenue or borrowed funds do not produce sufficient economic returns, servicing those obligations can put pressure on future budgets.
The IMF said in its June 2026 assessment of Nigeria that federal interest payments were projected at more than half of Federal Government revenue, highlighting the importance of strengthening revenue and maintaining fiscal discipline. (IMF)
Could Nigerians benefit from the new World Bank loans?
Potentially, but the outcome will depend heavily on implementation.
For example, successful climate-resilience projects could help farming communities dealing with erosion, drought, flooding and declining agricultural productivity.
A properly targeted social-protection system could provide support to vulnerable households struggling with living costs.
Investment in early childhood nutrition, healthcare and education could also produce longer-term social and economic benefits.
The critical question, therefore, is not simply whether Nigeria is borrowing.
It is what the money is used for, whether projects deliver measurable results, and whether the country can comfortably meet repayment obligations without squeezing other essential public spending.
Why Nigerians should watch what happens next
The proposed $1.5 billion World Bank financing is still moving through different stages of preparation and approval.
That means Nigeria’s ₦166.79 trillion debt stock should not simply be increased by $1.5 billion when discussing the current debt figure.
Instead, Nigerians should watch whether the loans receive final approval, the terms attached to them, how quickly funds are disbursed and whether the programmes achieve their stated objectives.
With public debt already at a record level, the bigger question is no longer simply “How much is Nigeria borrowing?”
It is increasingly: “What is Nigeria getting in return for every new loan?”
LASU students can apply for the 2026/2027 NELFUND student loan before the December 31 deadline.
A step-by-step guide to applying for the 2026/2027 NELFUND loan, the documents students need and mistakes to avoid.
For Lagos State University students looking for help with the cost of their education, the opening of the 2026/2027 student loan application means one thing: it is time to get the necessary information ready.
LASU announced that applications for the Nigerian Education Loan Fund, NELFUND, opened on September 23, 2026, with eligible students given until December 31, 2026 to complete the process. (Lagos State University)
But how exactly does a LASU student apply?
Here is a step-by-step guide.
Lagos State University students can now apply for the 2026/2027 NELFUND student loan ahead of the December 31 deadline.
Step 1: Check that your LASU records are correct
Before going to the NELFUND portal, students should first confirm that their information with Lagos State University is accurate.
LASU says applicants should ensure that their matriculation number, department and other institutional records have been properly uploaded and updated.
The university has warned that discrepancies in students’ records could cause delays or affect the verification process. (Trending News)
Step 2: Get your JAMB number, NIN and BVN ready
Students should have three important identification details available before beginning the application:
* JAMB registration number
* National Identification Number, NIN
* Bank Verification Number, BVN
LASU lists these among the requirements for students seeking to participate in the 2026/2027 loan application. (Trending News)
Applicants should also check that the names and information attached to their records are consistent.
Step 3: Go to the official NELFUND student loan portal
Students should use the official NELFUND application platform rather than unofficial links circulated through social media.
The registration process begins by asking applicants to confirm whether they are Nigerian, verify their educational information and verify their student status using JAMB. (NELFUND Student Loan Portal)
The official portal can be accessed through NELFUND’s website.
Step 4: Verify your student information
The next stage is verification.
Applicants will be required to provide information that allows the platform to confirm their educational status.
This is particularly important for LASU students because the university has advised applicants to ensure their JAMB information has been correctly verified before applying. (Times News)
Students who discover an error in their LASU or JAMB information should resolve it before completing their loan application.
Step 5: Create your NELFUND account
After the preliminary verification process, applicants can proceed with account registration.
NELFUND’s current account-creation system uses the applicant’s NIN, email address and password as part of the registration process. (NELFUND Student Loan Portal)
Students should use an active email address they can access because it will be connected to their loan account.
Step 6: Request the student loan
After successfully creating an account and logging into the portal, the next major step is to apply for the loan itself.
NELFUND directs applicants to select “Request for Student Loan”, complete the required application stages and submit the request. (Nigerian Education Loan Fund)
Applicants should carefully check all information before submission.
A wrong name, incorrect JAMB number or inconsistent institutional record could complicate verification.
Step 7: Provide the required banking information
Students should also ensure that their banking details are accurate.
LASU requires applicants to have a valid BVN, while NELFUND says approved upkeep payments are made to the bank account supplied by the student in their profile. (Times News)
The name and information attached to the account should therefore be carefully checked during the application.
Step 8: Submit and wait for verification
Submitting an application does not automatically mean the student loan has been approved.
NELFUND reviews applications before payment.
According to the fund, once an application has been successfully verified, approved institutional charges are paid to the student’s institution, while approved upkeep support is paid to the bank account provided by the student. (Nigerian Education Loan Fund)
Students should therefore continue checking their NELFUND dashboard after submitting their application.
What if your information does not match?
This could be one of the most important parts of the process for LASU students.
If your matriculation number, department, JAMB information or other institutional details are incorrect, LASU advises students to resolve the problem before proceeding.
Students experiencing difficulties with verification or record updates can seek assistance from the university’s Directorate of ICT or Special Interventions. (Times News)
LASU student loan deadline
The application window opened on September 23 and is scheduled to close on December 31, 2026. (Trending News)
Students do not necessarily need to wait until December to apply.
Those who intend to use the scheme can check their records, prepare their NIN, BVN and JAMB information and begin the application process early.
For students encountering discrepancies, doing this early also provides more time to resolve the problem before the deadline.
India's Supreme Court heard arguments on front-of-pack warning labels for packaged food on 28 September 2026
Supreme Court presses regulator
India’s Supreme Court on Monday demanded to know why the government wanted to “waste so much time” on a fresh round of public and industry consultation before adopting warning labels on packaged food, in the latest judicial push to force faster action on the country’s slow‑moving front‑of‑pack labelling scheme.
“Why do you want to waste so much time when we are concerned about health issues?” Justice J. B. Pardiwala asked during a hearing, adding: “We expect the authority to accept our order… do not disappoint us.” A final order is expected soon.
India has proposed red hexagonal warnings on packaged items high in salt, sugar or fat
The bench is reviewing a labelling scheme sought by public‑health activists, who argue New Delhi has spent years deliberating and canvassing opinion without adopting the stricter front‑of‑pack rules courts have pressed for. Last week the regulator, FSSAI, said notification and consultation on the stricter labels would need four months, followed by a further year for implementation. “Why do you need so much time… what did you do in the last four years?” the judge asked.
Adopt red-hexagon warnings on packaged food
The court’s frustration sits inside a wider crackdown. India has raided eateries and shut scores of restaurants and factories nationwide over hygiene lapses, and has unveiled tougher labelling — red hexagonal warnings on packaged items high in salt, sugar or fat — after years of lobbying by an industry worth about $100 billion. It also coincides with a push to ban junk food sales and advertising in and near schools, with the regulator proposing a distance limit of 50 metres from school premises, moving India toward models used in Chile and Mexico.
The health stakes are demographic: India’s 180 million overweight or obese adults in 2021 are projected to reach 450 million by 2050, per a study in The Lancet, with obesity rising sharply among children.
Brightly packaged snack with front-of-pack warning label
Industry is not opposing warnings outright. The All India Food Processors’ Association, representing dozens of Indian and foreign food giants, told the court the colour and symbol “require careful consideration in the Indian context” because consumers already associate red with the mandatory non‑vegetarian mark, and a second prominent red symbol “may create confusion.” It objected to the “indiscriminate application” of thresholds, asked that they be set scientifically, and argued warnings should be based on a single serving rather than the proposed 100gm basis — noting Indian foods are eaten in widely varying quantities, from 10gm of pickle to 30gm of bread.
India’s proposed thresholds are strict: a red warning if added sugar exceeds 3% of solid products by weight, or fat 4.2% — tougher than many foreign markets. India is a key growth market for PepsiCo, Coca‑Cola, Mondelez and Nestlé, alongside thousands of small sellers of traditional savouries and sweets.
People carefully wading through waist-deep flood water in a boat in Bangkok
Waist-deep streets, 234 evacuation centres, and a sinking delta city absorb nearly a month’s rain in three days.
Residents of Thailand’s capital waded through waist‑deep water on Monday as thousands sheltered in evacuation centres after weekend rains inundated entire neighbourhoods, while swelling reservoirs in an eastern industrial province forced new evacuations.
Residents wade along a waist-deep street in Bangkok on 28 September 2026
Bangkok’s drainage network was overwhelmed after about 320mm (12.6 inches) of rain in two to three days — nearly what the low‑lying mega city normally receives in the whole of September, Reuters reports. Across 41 provinces hit by flooding since 16 September, at least eight people have died and more than 580,000 homes have been disrupted, Thailand’s interior ministry said. Over 80,000 residents in flooded areas were unable to leave their homes; mobile kitchens and boats have been pressed into relief, with the goal of three meals a day throughout the flood and for at least a week after waters recede.
In Bangkok’s hardest hit Bang Kapi district, vendors sold essentials from floating plastic boxes and drums while standing knee‑deep, because customers refused to wade in. “We have no more food to eat, because we didn’t prepare in time,” said Bangorn Dednuam, 60. At least 5,901 people in the capital were sheltering in 234 evacuation centres, a city administration official said.
Economists put national damage at at least 11 billion baht (about $327m), with losses expected to rise. Aat Pisanwanich of Rangsit University said the floods could shave 0.3 percentage points off 2026 GDP growth to 2.1%, and cut third‑quarter growth by about 0.5 points to 1.7%, with wholesale and retail in Bangkok and the east worst affected. The University of the Thai Chamber of Commerce estimated about 7 billion baht of damage in the capital and 12.3 billion baht nationwide.
Vendors sell from floating stalls in knee-deep water in Bangkok’s Bang Kapi district, three days after 320mm of rain
The structural problem is geography: Bangkok sits on a river delta of soft clay roughly 1.5m above sea level, sinking several millimetres a year under 8.4 million people and heavy construction. In Rayong province on Monday, authorities ordered evacuations after two reservoirs filled beyond capacity beside a major industrial belt.
Last year’s southern floods — triggered by 630mm of rain in three days — killed at least 145 people and inundated more than 33,000 homes, damaging schools, hospitals and highways.
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