The political landscape of West Africa was shaken once again when the Republic of Benin faced an unexpected coup attempt in December 2025. A faction of soldiers, led by Lt-Col Pascal Tigri, seized the national television station at dawn and announced the dissolution of democratic institutions, claiming they had ousted President Patrice Talon. The incident triggered immediate alarm across the region, particularly because Benin—long regarded as one of West Africa’s most politically stable democracies—had rarely been associated with military uprisings.

The Beninese government swiftly requested assistance from Nigeria, calling for urgent air support and ground reinforcement to contain the mutiny. Nigerian fighter jets entered Benin’s airspace within hours, conducting surveillance and precision strikes on fleeing coup elements under the authority of the Beninese government. Loyalist forces, backed by regional cooperation, were able to retake state broadcasting facilities and restore control in Cotonou.

By midday, officials announced that constitutional order had been re-established. Several conspirators were arrested, and regional bodies such as ECOWAS and the African Union condemned the attempted takeover. Although short-lived, the Benin incident added to a troubling pattern emerging across the continent: rising dissent within militaries and the increasing normalisation of coups and attempted coups.

Other Recent Military Takeovers in Africa

Africa has witnessed a resurgence of unconstitutional military takeovers since 2020, reversing much of the progress made during the early 2000s when democratic institutions appeared to be strengthening across the continent.

Burkina Faso (2022–2023)

Burkina Faso experienced two coups within eight months. The first removed President Roch Kaboré, citing his inability to contain extremist violence. The second ousted the transitional leadership, further destabilising a country already facing deep security challenges.

Mali (2020 and 2021)

Mali’s military staged consecutive coups, initially removing President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta and later overthrowing the transitional civilian government. The turbulence left the country politically fragmented and pushed it toward prolonged military rule.

Guinea (2021)

Guinea’s 2021 coup removed President Alpha Condé after controversial constitutional reforms that had allowed him to seek a third term. The junta justified the takeover by accusing Condé of political repression and economic mismanagement.

Niger (2023)

In 2023, Niger’s democratically elected President Mohamed Bazoum was overthrown in a coup that stunned the West African region. The new military leaders hardened their stance against ECOWAS and later joined Mali and Burkina Faso to form the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), marking a shift toward military-led integration in the Sahel.

Across these cases, juntas often justify their actions by citing security failures, corruption, and loss of public trust in civilian governments. Yet the outcomes frequently lead to prolonged transitions, international sanctions, strained regional relations, and weakened institutions.

Recent Failed Coup Attempts in Africa

Beyond successful takeovers, the continent has also witnessed several failed or foiled coup attempts—evidence that dissatisfaction within security forces is becoming more pronounced.

Benin Republic (December 2025) — On 7 December 2025, a group of soldiers led by Pascal Tigri seized the state television and declared the overthrow of President Patrice Talon, the suspension of the constitution, and dissolution of state institutions. However, loyal armed forces regained control the same day, arrested multiple mutineers, and restored constitutional order.

The Gambia (December 2022) — On 20 December 2022, some soldiers attempted to overthrow the government of President Adama Barrow. According to official reports, the attempt failed; the insurgents were arrested, and the government retained power.

São Tomé and Príncipe (November 2022) — An overnight coup attempt targeting the government was suppressed. State security forces repelled the attackers, who included both civilians and a small military contingent. The attempted coup did not succeed.

Sierra Leone (November 2023) — In late November 2023, militants (including some dissident military officers) attacked barracks and prisons in the capital. The government crushed the assault, imposed curfews, arrested many suspects, and regained control — the plot was widely described as a failed coup attempt.

The Issues

The rise of coups and attempted coups across Africa points to broader systemic challenges rather than isolated incidents. Several recurring issues stand out:

1. Weak Democratic Institutions

Many African democracies remain vulnerable due to limited institutional resilience. Parliaments, courts, and electoral bodies often lack the autonomy to check executive overreach or prevent political crises from escalating.

2. Security Failures and Extremism

Countries in the Sahel face severe security threats from extremist groups. When governments appear unable to ensure public safety, sections of the military often use this as justification to intervene in governance.

3. Public Discontent and Economic Hardship

High youth unemployment, inflation, and widening inequality fuel frustration. In many cases, military takeovers gain some public sympathy when governments are perceived as corrupt or detached from citizens’ needs.

4. Erosion of Trust Between Citizens and Governments

When elections are disputed or constitutional changes are manipulated to extend presidential terms, public confidence diminishes. This creates fertile ground for coups framed as “rescue missions.”

The failed coup in Benin is not merely an isolated event—it reflects an evolving trend that threatens democratic stability across Africa.

While regional support helped Benin avert a major crisis, the continent continues to grapple with deeper governance issues that require long-term, structural solutions. Strengthening democratic institutions, enhancing security capacity, promoting accountable leadership, and fostering regional cooperation will be essential if Africa hopes to reverse the rising tide of unconstitutional military takeovers.

The Benin Republic has been thrown into political tension after soldiers announced they have removed President Patrice Talon from power.

In a broadcast on state television early Sunday morning, the soldiers declared that the government had been dissolved and the constitution suspended. They also announced that President Talon is now in the custody of the military.

Colonel Tigri Pascal Takes Over

The group identified their interim leader as Colonel Tigri Pascal, who will head what they called the “Military Committee for Refoundation.”
According to the announcement, the committee will oversee the running of the country until further notice.

Why the Soldiers Say They Took Over

In their televised address, the coup leaders gave several reasons for removing the president:

• They claim President Talon allowed security in the northern part of the country to collapse, exposing citizens to danger.
• They accuse him of frustrating the economy, saying many businesses and ordinary citizens are suffering due to heavy taxes and strict policies.
• They say he stopped free healthcare, a move they claim has led to many avoidable deaths across the country.

Tension in Cotonou

Following the announcement, soldiers were seen around key government buildings in Cotonou. Residents have been advised to remain calm as the situation develops.
There has been no reaction yet from officials loyal to President Talon.

UPDATE

Right now, the military has imposed a total ban on movement across the country.
Security personnel are stopping people on the roads, instructing them to return home and remain indoors until further notice.

There is also an unconfirmed rumour circulating that Russia may be involved in the unfolding situation.
So far, many citizens appear to be in subtle support of the takeover, according to early reactions from locals.

The situation is still unfolding, and more updates are expected as events continue to develop.

Kenya has entered into a significant five-year health cooperation deal with the United States, marking the first arrangement of its kind since Donald Trump reshaped America’s foreign assistance policies.

The agreement, valued at $2.5bn (£1.9bn), is designed to strengthen Kenya’s fight against infectious diseases, with similar frameworks set to be extended to additional African states aligned with the current US administration’s diplomatic objectives.

The direct bilateral structure is intended to improve oversight and reduce misuse of funds, though critics worry it may grant Washington continuous access to vital health systems and potentially sensitive medical records.

Kenya’s Health Minister Aden Duale addressed those concerns, stating that “only de-identified, aggregated data” would be shared.

On assuming office in January, Trump placed a hold on external aid during a review of public spending, dissolved the US Agency for International Development (USAID), and significantly reduced support for lower-income nations.

The change has sharply decreased the availability of some essential medicines in parts of the developing world.

In September, the administration unveiled an “America First Global Health Strategy”, tying assistance to new negotiations that officials said would reduce inefficiency while advancing US interests.

Under the Kenyan agreement, Washington will provide $1.7bn, while Kenya is expected to invest $850m and eventually assume greater financial responsibility over time.

The programme focuses on preventing and treating HIV/Aids, malaria, and tuberculosis, improving maternal health services, eliminating polio, and strengthening responses to epidemics.

During the signing ceremony with Kenya’s President William Ruto, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio described the pact as a “landmark agreement,” and called Kenya a “longstanding American ally”.

He commended Kenya’s leadership within the UN-supported mission confronting heavily armed criminal networks in Haiti.

“If we had five or 10 countries willing to step forward and do just half of what Kenya has done already, it would be an extraordinary achievement,” said Rubio.

The Secretary of State said the United States preferred to channel assistance through governments rather than intermediary organisations.

“We are not going to spend billions of dollars funding the NGO industrial complex while close and important partners like Kenya either have no role to play or have very little influence over how health care money is being spent,” he said.

Kenya’s leader said the funds would support national goals, including acquiring up-to-date hospital technology and expanding the country’s medical workforce.

“I assure you that every shilling and every dollar will be spent efficiently, effectively, and accountably,” Ruto added.

Despite this, some Kenyans are calling for full transparency, arguing that the document should be made public to clarify whether the US will have access to personal health information such as HIV status, tuberculosis history, and vaccination records.

“What specific data categories are being shared? Are genomic data, disease patterns, mental health data, insurance claims, hospital records, or biometrics included? If not, why is that not explicitly written?” lawyer Willis Otieno posted on X.

Well-known whistle-blower Nelson Amenya expressed the same reservations, urging the authorities to publish the pact so “we can read it for ourselves”.

Minister Duale dismissed the allegations, insisting Kenya’s medical information remains safeguarded under domestic law.

“Your health data is a national strategic asset,” Duale added.

Officials from the United States have not yet responded publicly to the concerns raised about data privacy.

According to US representatives, several other African governments are expected to sign comparable agreements before the year concludes.

‎The presidents of the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda are preparing to sign a peace agreement aimed at ending years of conflict in the region during a summit hosted in Washington by US President Donald Trump.
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‎In the lead-up to the summit, fighting has intensified in the mineral-rich eastern DR Congo between government troops and rebels who are widely believed to be receiving support from Rwanda.
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‎DR Congo’s military accused its opponents of trying to “sabotage” the peace effort, while the M23 rebels claimed that government forces had violated the ceasefire by launching an offensive.
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‎Earlier this year, the M23 captured extensive territory in eastern DR Congo during a campaign that resulted in thousands of deaths and massive displacement.
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‎President Felix Tshisekedi of DR Congo and Rwandan President Paul Kagame have traded heated remarks over recent years, each blaming the other for sparking the conflict.
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‎In June, Trump successfully brought the two nations’ foreign ministers together to sign a peace accord, celebrating it as a “glorious triumph”.
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‎Tshisekedi and Kagame are now set to formally approve the agreement, with leaders from several African and Arab nations, including Burundi and Qatar
expected to witness the signing.
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‎The M23 will not attend the event, as it is currently involved in separate negotiations with the Congolese government under a Qatar-led process.
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‎The Trump administration has taken the lead in mediating between Rwanda and DR Congo, hoping that settling the dispute will help pave the way for greater US investment in the area’s abundant resources.
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‎Rwanda continues to deny providing backing to the M23, despite UN experts asserting that its military is in “de facto control of M23 operations”.
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‎Despite the high-profile nature of the summit and the presence of the two leaders in Washington, some experts doubt the deal will bring lasting peace.
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‎Bram Verelst, a DR Congo specialist at the Institute for Security Studies in South Africa, told the BBC there was “currently no ceasefire in place, and the M23 rebellion continues to expand and consolidate its control”.
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‎He added that “The signing ceremony is unlikely to alter this situation, though there is some small hope it could increase accountability on Congolese and Rwandan leaders to honour their commitments”.
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‎Earlier this year, the M23 captured major cities in eastern DR Congo, including Goma and Bukavu.
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‎In a statement, DR Congo military spokesperson Gen Sylvain Ekenge reported that the rebels had launched another assault on Tuesday targeting villages in the South Kivu region.
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‎These villages lie about 75km (47 miles) from Uvira, a city on the Burundi border which has served as the provincial administration’s base since the fall of Bukavu to the rebels.
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‎The M23, however, stated that the Congolese military had carried out air and ground strikes on its positions in collaboration with Burundian forces.
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‎Burundi has not responded to the claim, though it currently has several thousand soldiers deployed in eastern DR Congo in support of Congolese troops.
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‎Rwanda says it has taken “defensive measures” in eastern DR Congo in response to what it views as a threat from the FDLR, a militia containing participants from the 1994 Rwandan genocide.
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‎Kagame maintains that the FDLR must be disarmed, while DR Congo insists that Rwandan forces must withdraw from its territory.
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‎Both demands form part of the peace agreement scheduled to be signed in Washington.
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‎However, numerous past agreements dating back to the 1990s have failed, largely because Rwanda accused earlier Congolese governments of not dismantling the FDLR, a persistent barrier to resolving the conflict.
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‎The DR Congo government has also insisted that the M23 relinquish the areas it controls, something the rebel group has so far refused in ongoing talks mediated by Qatar.
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‎Qatar and the United States are jointly working to coordinate mediation efforts, with Qatar maintaining close relations with Rwanda while the US is perceived to be more aligned with DR Congo.
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‎According to the US State Department in 2023, DR Congo holds an estimated $25 trillion (£21.2tn) worth of mineral resources.
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‎These reserves include cobalt, copper, lithium, manganese, and tantalum, essential components in electronics, electric vehicles, mobile devices, renewable energy technology, and military equipment.
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‎“We’re getting, for the United States, a lot of the mineral rights from the Congo as part of it,” Trump said ahead of the June agreement.
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‎Prof Jason Stearns, a Canadian political analyst focused on the region, said the US is advocating for an economic partnership allowing DR Congo and Rwanda to work together on mining, hydro-electric power, and infrastructure projects.
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‎He noted that “The logic is that it will provide the peace dividend”.
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‎However, Prof Stearns added that DR Congo has made it clear it will sign the economic deal but will not “advance on that deal until Rwandan troops have withdrawn from eastern DR Congo”.
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