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Congo Ebola Outbreak: Confirmed Cases Top 7,000

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The Ebola outbreak in the Democratic Republic of Congo continues to expand, with confirmed infections reaching 7,022 as of September 11, according to official government data cited by Reuters. The outbreak has also spread into South Ubangi, bringing the number of affected provinces to seven.

The outbreak involves the Bundibugyo virus, a strain of Ebola that has previously been associated with outbreaks in Central Africa. The World Health Organization said that as of September 7, the DRC had recorded 6,757 confirmed cases and 3,267 deaths, with a case-fatality ratio of 48.3%.

The continuing spread has raised concerns about transmission across communities and provincial borders. WHO says the increase partly reflects stronger surveillance, laboratory testing and the reconciliation of previously unreported data, but also reflects continued community transmission and geographical expansion.

The outbreak has already become the deadliest Ebola outbreak in the DRC’s history, surpassing the death toll from the country’s 2018–2020 epidemic. International health agencies continue to coordinate surveillance, treatment and containment efforts as authorities work to prevent further spread.

Congo Ebola Outbreak: Confirmed Cases Top 7,000

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The Ebola outbreak in the Democratic Republic of Congo continues to expand, with confirmed infections reaching 7,022 as of September 11, according to official government data cited by Reuters. The outbreak has also spread into South Ubangi, bringing the number of affected provinces to seven.

The outbreak involves the Bundibugyo virus, a strain of Ebola that has previously been associated with outbreaks in Central Africa. The World Health Organization said that as of September 7, the DRC had recorded 6,757 confirmed cases and 3,267 deaths, with a case-fatality ratio of 48.3%.

The continuing spread has raised concerns about transmission across communities and provincial borders. WHO says the increase partly reflects stronger surveillance, laboratory testing and the reconciliation of previously unreported data, but also reflects continued community transmission and geographical expansion.

The outbreak has already become the deadliest Ebola outbreak in the DRC’s history, surpassing the death toll from the country’s 2018–2020 epidemic. International health agencies continue to coordinate surveillance, treatment and containment efforts as authorities work to prevent further spread.

‘A Legend, An Icon, An Inspiration’: Atiku, Keyamu, Others Pay Tribute to Olu Jacobs

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Veteran Nigerian actor Olu Jacobs, one of the most recognisable figures in Nollywood, has died at the age of 84. His death was announced on Wednesday, September 16, 2026, by his wife and fellow veteran actress, Joke Silva.

Jacobs built a career spanning theatre, television and film and became one of the most respected actors in Nigeria’s entertainment industry. His career helped bridge Nigeria’s traditional stage and television acting with the growth of modern Nollywood, earning him recognition at home and internationally.

News of his death has triggered tributes across Nigeria, with politicians, actors and other public figures remembering his contribution to the country’s creative industry. Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, Aviation Minister Festus Keyamo and several entertainers are among those who have expressed condolences.

Social media erupts with tributes to Olu Jacobs

News of Olu Jacobs’ death has triggered an outpouring of grief across social media, with colleagues, public figures and fans remembering the veteran actor as a major influence on Nigerian theatre, film and television.

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar described Jacobs as “an institution” and “a cultural icon,” saying his voice, dignity and talent made him part of the collective memory of generations of Nigerians.https://t.co/VrD9yb1KdT” / X https://share.google/99hhXkYg65PWiAVtQ

Aviation Minister Festus Keyamo also paid tribute, describing Jacobs as a “consummate actor,” “quintessential professional” and “legend of the stage.” https://share.google/AbFdybcgR5eAEap82

Entertainment personalities joined the wave of tributes, with Mr Macaroni calling him a “Legend, Icon and an absolute Inspiration,” while William Uchemba wrote that it was “a life well spent.”

Other reactions reflected the personal connection many Nigerians had with Jacobs through his screen roles. Ini Edo wrote, “Rest well Uncle! You will forever be in our hearts,” while Broda Shaggi prayed for his soul and said his memory would live on. Isbae U also shared a tribute, describing Jacobs simply as a legend.

The reaction online has also revived memories of Jacobs’ decades-long contribution to the Nigerian creative industry. Beyond acting, he and his wife, Joke Silva, built the Lufodo Group and Lufodo Academy of Performing Arts, helping to develop professional training and production in Nigeria. His son, Olusoji Jacobs, announced the death on Instagram and appealed to bloggers and social media influencers to respect the family’s privacy as they mourn.

His death marks the passing of one of Nollywood’s defining actors and comes as Nigeria’s film industry continues to expand globally. For generations of Nigerian viewers, Olu Jacobs’ name remains closely associated with some of the country’s most memorable screen performances.

BREAKING: Veteran actor Olu Jacobs dies at 84

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Veteran Nollywood actor Oludotun Baiyewu Jacobs, popularly known as Olu Jacobs, has died at the age of 84.

His wife, veteran actress Joke Silva, announced his death in an Instagram post on Wednesday, September 16, 2026.

Silva shared a photograph of the actor alongside a statement from the family.

“It is with gratitude to God for a life well lived and fought that we announce the passing of our dear husband, father, grandfather and uncle. The Lion of Lufodo.

The family also appealed to bloggers and social media influencers to respect their privacy.

“We call on all bloggers and social media influencers to respect our family’s privacy at this time,” the statement added.

“Oludotun Baiyewu Jacobs (MFR) 11/07/1942 – 16/09/2026.”

Born on July 11, 1942, Jacobs built a distinguished acting career spanning several decades.

He trained at the Royal Academy of Dramatic Art in London and appeared in British television productions and international films before becoming one of Nollywood’s most respected actors.

Jacobs starred in numerous Nigerian films and became known for his commanding performances, distinctive voice and contribution to the growth of the country’s film industry.

He was also a co-founder of the Lufodo Group, which includes the Lufodo Academy of Performing Arts, alongside Silva.

In 2011, the Federal Government honoured him with the Member of the Order of the Federal Republic for his contribution to the arts.

Silva had previously disclosed that her husband was living with Lewy body dementia, a progressive condition that affects thinking, movement and behaviour.

Jacobs celebrated his 84th birthday on July 11, 2026.

The Nigerian Business Where the Chairs Never Empty

Walk into a dialysis unit in Lagos at six in the morning and the first thing you notice is that nobody is waiting to be seen. They are already seated. Arm out. Machine primed. Some of them have been coming to the same chair, in the same building, since before the current government took office.

That is the sound the health investors of this country have started listening for.

For two decades the Nigerian health story was told as a failure. Hospitals collapsed, doctors left, and the money followed the patients — an estimated one to two billion dollars a year abroad for treatment, on industry estimates. This year a new version of the story appeared, and it is being written not in the teaching hospitals but in single-purpose units for kidneys, hearts, fertility and cancer.

Dr. Patrick Nwachi, consultant, family physician and lifestyle medicine special, who is also the head, general outpatient and Loveworld medical centre, LMC spoke to LN247’s Yemisi Lanre Idowu. He said ”

The dialysis chair is where that shift is clearest, because the arithmetic is unusually honest.

LMC

The mathematics of a recurring patient

A standard haemodialysis patient needs the machine two or three times a week, roughly four hours a session, indefinitely — unless a transplant arrives, which for most Nigerians it does not.

The costs are documented. A 2022 peer-reviewed review of Nigerian dialysis put the average session at around ₦40,000, roughly US$96 at the time, and noted prices climbing sharply in the private sector. Recent reporting around World Kidney Day placed the range between ₦50,000 and ₦80,000 a session, with a kidney transplant quoted north of ₦25 million. On the other side of the counter, a 2023 Nigerian cost-analysis study found the provider’s variable cost per session at about US$103, and an annualised variable cost per patient near US$16,100.

Which produces the number that explains the building boom. A patient on three sessions a week is not a customer. He is an annuity.

LMC

Add the state dialysis subsidy — which in participating facilities has pulled the out-of-pocket cost down from around ₦50,000 a session to as low as ₦12,000 in some programmes — and you get the rarest thing in Nigerian business: a demand curve nobody has to advertise into existence. End-stage kidney disease does not respond to a downturn, a border closure, or a competitor’s campaign.

LMC

So when a Lagos hospital group’s chief executive says on our On The Front Burner programme that he would rather fund a dialysis unit than a 300-bed hospital, he is not being modest. He is being accurate. Machines, chairs, a nurse, and — the part everyone forgets — clean, correctly treated water. That is the whole enterprise.

Why it is not the goldmine it looks like

Then the floor arrives.

Dialysis is one of the most import-dependent services in medicine. The machine, the dialyser, the concentrates, the membranes, the fistula needles — almost none of it is made here. Which means the cost base is priced in dollars while the revenue is collected in naira, from a family that is often selling land to pay for the third month.

And when the naira moves, the margin does not flex. It simply disappears.

There is a second fragility the investors do not put in the pitch deck. A dialysis unit fails as quietly as it opens. One water-treatment fault, one batch of contaminated concentrate, one engineer who cannot land in this country for six weeks because the machine needs a part that only exists in Dubai — and the chairs go empty. Every serious operator we spoke to on this programme named the biomedical engineer as the actual scarce asset in Nigerian healthcare, ahead of the doctor.

FACT BOX

FigureWhat it isSource
₦40,000 (≈US$96)Average haemodialysis session, earlier baselineGlobal Dialysis Perspective: Nigeria, PMC/NIH, 2022
₦50,000–₦80,000Reported session cost range, currentWorld Kidney Day reporting, 2025–26
₦25m+Quoted range for a kidney transplantWorld Kidney Day reporting
≈US$103 / US$16,100Provider variable cost per session / annualised per patientAgada-Amade et al., Cost analysis of the management of end-stage renal disease, Springer, 2023
₦12,000Out-of-pocket session cost under state subsidy programmesNigeria Health Watch
22m → 30mHealth insurance enrolment, Q1 2026, and 2026 targetNHIA
5–7%Formal insurance access, stricter definitionAdekunle et al., PMC, 2025
$1bn–$2bnEstimated Nigerian outbound spend on treatmentIndustry estimates

Meanwhile, the other two hundred million

The investment story is real. It is also narrow, and it deserves a second number beside it.

The National Health Insurance Authority reports enrolment crossing 22 million people in early 2026, up from about 16 million in 2023 — roughly 10% of the population, with a target of 30 million this year. Independent academic work uses a stricter definition and puts formal insurance access nearer 5–7%.

Those two figures are not a contradiction; they are a warning about definitions. Enrolment is a card issued. Utilisation is a person who walks into a facility, is treated, and does not pay cash at the desk. HMOs have complained for years that approved capitation rates barely cover the cost of the drugs. Between a card and a chair there is a whole country.

Which brings us back to the question we asked the room, and the answer that did not come.

The part still in the drawer

Every operator on our panel could name what they have built. Not one of them, when asked, said the word published.

Mortality rates. Catheter-related bloodstream infection rates. Machine downtime. Peritonitis in peritoneal dialysis. Complaints log. In most of this country’s private health system these figures are not collected, and if collected, not released. Not because the hospitals are unusually bad — because nobody has ever required them to be measurable.

That is the actual bottleneck in Nigerian healthcare, and it is not money, not machines, and not even the twenty thousand-odd health professionals who left in a year. It is accountability. An investor can buy a scanner in ninety days. A country buys trust one published number at a time.

The chairs at six in the morning are real, and they are full, and they are good news. They are also the first honest evidence in a long time that Nigerian health money is being spent inside Nigeria.

Let the hospitals make the most of it. Then let them tell us what happened.

The line that protects us :

Enrolment is not treatment, and a fall in spending is not a cure. Insurance figures measure cards issued; independent estimates measure people with real access. And the collapse in Nigeria's measured outbound medical spending in the first half of 2025 owed much to the scarcity of dollars, not only to better hospitals at home.

INEC Final List: 52 Senators Face Exit as APC, ADC, NDC, PDP Battle for 109 Seats

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The race for Nigeria’s 109 Senate seats has entered a new phase following the release of the Independent National Electoral Commission’s final list of candidates for the 2027 general elections.

The list has effectively set the stage for a four-way contest across much of the country, with the All Progressives Congress (APC), African Democratic Congress (ADC), Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) emerging as the most prominent contenders.

But beyond the party battle, the list has also revealed a major shake-up in the current Senate.

At least 52 serving senators will not return to the 11th National Assembly in 2027, while about 57 incumbent senators have secured tickets and remain in the race.

The Senate has 109 seats, with three senators elected from each of Nigeria’s 36 states and one senator representing the Federal Capital Territory.

That means almost half of the current Senate could be leaving the chamber after the 2027 election.

A major turnover in the Senate

The exit of the 52 senators does not mean all of them lost their party primaries.

For some, the Senate race simply gave way to other political ambitions.

In Ogun State, for example, Senator Ademola Solomon Olamilekan is leaving the Senate after securing the APC’s governorship ticket.

In Nasarawa, Senator Aliyu Wadada is also pursuing the governorship.

In Imo, Senator Osita Izunaso’s senatorial ticket was ceded to Governor Hope Uzodinma.

There are similar instances in other states where sitting governors or other powerful political actors have secured the senatorial tickets previously held by serving lawmakers.

Former Sokoto Governor and senator Aminu Waziri Tambuwal is also among those who will not return. According to reports, he stepped aside for a younger candidate as part of a political power-sharing arrangement within the ADC.

So, the story behind the 52 exits is not simply about politicians losing elections.

It is also about political succession, governorship ambitions, party realignments and negotiations ahead of 2027.

APC remains a major force

The ruling APC enters the contest with a significant advantage in terms of its current presence in the National Assembly.

The party has also secured return tickets for several high-profile senators.

Among those on the final list are Senate President Godswill Akpabio, Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin, Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele and Chief Whip Mohammed Ali Ndume, among others.

But holding a seat in the current Senate does not guarantee a return.

The final contest will depend on the strength of the candidates, party structures, voter sentiment and the ability of opposition parties to translate their growing reach into actual votes.

NDC makes a broad push

One of the most notable features of the final list is the geographical spread of the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), the party associated with presidential candidate Peter Obi.

The NDC has candidates in a large majority of the senatorial districts, although it is absent from several constituencies.

Reports based on the INEC list show the party missing candidates in areas including Bauchi, Yobe, Benue North-East, Jigawa North-East, Ekiti South and Kaduna South, with another analysis putting its total number of uncovered senatorial districts at 10.

That spread is significant because the NDC is a relatively new political platform compared with the APC and PDP.

Its ability to field candidates across such a large number of constituencies suggests that the party is attempting to build a national political structure rather than remain concentrated in traditional opposition strongholds.

ADC and PDP face their own challenges

The African Democratic Congress (ADC) is also positioning itself as a major opposition platform ahead of 2027.

But the final list shows that the opposition field is far from uniform.

The PDP, Nigeria’s long-standing opposition party, faces gaps in some areas as politicians continue to move between parties and new alliances emerge.

This means the 2027 Senate election may not simply be an APC-versus-PDP contest.

Instead, voters could see a much more fragmented race involving several major parties, particularly the APC, ADC, NDC and PDP.

Some states could see intense battles

The final list also highlights states where incumbent senators have secured tickets and will attempt to defend their seats.

In Lagos, all three serving senators are on the list:

  • Adetokunbo Abiru — Lagos East
  • Idiat Adebule — Lagos West
  • Sanni Eshilokun — Lagos Central

The same applies to Ekiti, where Opeyemi Bamidele, Yemi Adaramodu and Cyril Fasuyi are seeking another term.

In Akwa Ibom, Senate President Godswill Akpabio, Aniekan Bassey and Ekong Sampson have also secured tickets.

All three serving senators in Borno State, including Mohammed Ali Ndume, are also on the list.

These states will therefore provide important tests of whether incumbency and party structures can withstand the broader political realignment taking place ahead of 2027.

APP gets a boost

Away from the four major contenders, the Action Peoples Party (APP) has also recorded a fresh boost.

Two serving members of the House of Representatives—Boma Goodhead of Rivers State and Alozie Munachim Ikechi of Abia State—have defected to the party.

They are joined by former federal lawmaker Uju Kingsley Chima of Imo State.

All three have emerged as APP candidates for their respective House of Representatives constituencies in the 2027 election.

Their movement strengthens the APP’s presence in the South-East and South-South and reflects a wider trend ahead of the 2027 elections: politicians are increasingly moving between platforms as they search for stronger electoral opportunities.

The bigger picture

The INEC final list does more than identify who is contesting.

It gives Nigerians an early picture of how the 2027 National Assembly battle is being shaped.

The most striking figure is the 52 serving senators who are currently outside the race.

But the bigger question is what their departure means for the balance of power in the next Senate.

Will the APC maintain its dominance?

Can the ADC and NDC convert opposition momentum into Senate seats?

Can the PDP recover lost ground?

And will the growing movement of politicians between parties translate into actual changes in voter behaviour?

With 109 Senate seats at stake, the answers will have major implications for the composition of Nigeria’s 11th National Assembly—and for the ability of the next government to pass its legislative agenda.

The 2027 Senate race is no longer just about who gets a party ticket.

It is now about who can turn that ticket into a seat in the Red Chamber.

Four Dead in Fresh Plateau Attacks as Fuel Prices Climb Ahead of 2027 Elections

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North-central Nigeria is bleeding again — and the pump is rising with it.

Premium Times reports four people killed in fresh attacks in Plateau State, the latest violence in a region still mourning August’s assault in which at least 25 people were killed in their homes when armed men stormed a village, with reprisal fears reported afterward (Reuters). Inter-communal violence has risen sharply across Plateau and Benue since 2025.

Why this is now an election story

Security is the second-order problem of this campaign cycle. Semafor has reported that worsening insecurity in Africa’s most populous country is becoming a defining issue in the president’s second-term bid. Bloomberg has reported that the ghost of the multibillion-dollar fuel subsidy has emerged as a central battleground ahead of January’s presidential election.

Both point the same direction: the voter’s two questions in January are “Am I safe?” and “Can I afford to eat?”

On the second question, this morning’s national newspaper coverage leads on rising fuel prices deepening pressure on households, with renewed calls for subsidy relief. The opposition African Democratic Congress (ADC) is anchoring its campaign on a pledge to reinstate the fuel subsidy programme (Semafor).

The strategic tension to name explicitly

Subsidy removal was defended as fiscal medicine — redirecting borrowed money toward infrastructure and removing a drain that mostly benefited those who could already afford multiple vehicles. The political counter is equally real: the medicine arrived before the relief, and households absorbed the difference. Any credible coverage should hold both framings and ask which specific, funded, verifiable cushion replaced the subsidy — and where that money actually went.

What to watch next

  • Attribution and motive in the latest Plateau killings, and any arrest
  • Whether reprisal attacks follow — historically the pattern
  • Official pump prices and the NNPC’s pricing communication
  • The ADC’s formal manifesto language on subsidy, and its stated funding source
  • Deployment and prosecution announcements as security debate intensifies

When Safety Becomes an Afterthought: Who Pays the Price?

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Behind every safety regulation is a human life.

A worker who leaves home in the morning expects to return to family. A child entering a school should be protected from preventable danger. A passenger boarding a vehicle should be able to trust that basic safety standards have been considered.

Safety, therefore, cannot simply be a checklist, a policy document or a requirement to satisfy regulators. Safety Concerns

It is about people.

And when safety becomes an afterthought, people often pay the price.

Also Read This: Nigerian Safety Investigation Bureau

At the 2026 International Natural Conference and World Safety Organization Awards, held in Lagos on September 10 and 11, one message stood out: safety must move from information to action.

The keynote speaker, Comrade Felix Osamwonyi Osagiede, emphasised the importance of moving from collecting data to actually using it.

That point deserves serious attention.

Organisations can collect accident reports, inspection records, hazard assessments and incident statistics. But data sitting in a file cannot prevent the next accident.

The real value of safety data begins when it is analysed, understood and translated into decisions.

If an organisation repeatedly records the same workplace hazard but does nothing about it, the problem is no longer a lack of information.

It is a failure to act.

This is one of the biggest challenges facing safety culture today.

Too often, action comes after an incident rather than before it. A building is inspected after it collapses. A safety procedure is reviewed after someone is injured. A warning is taken seriously after a tragedy.

But prevention should not require a tragedy to become a priority.

The event’s panel discussion also highlighted the importance of stronger safety systems, risk management and collaboration among professionals and organisations.

These conversations matter because safety is not the responsibility of one safety officer.

It involves employers, government agencies, regulators, workers, schools, transport operators, construction companies, communities and individuals.

Everyone has a role.

The investiture of new first-tier members at the event was another reminder that professional commitment must translate into practical responsibility.

Joining a safety organisation should mean more than receiving a title or certificate. It should represent a commitment to protecting lives and promoting standards wherever safety decisions are made.

And this is where the conversation must move beyond conferences.

Nigeria does not need more safety slogans if unsafe practices continue after the cameras are gone.

We need systems that identify risks before they become disasters.

We need organisations that listen to safety professionals.

We need regulators that enforce standards.

We need employers that understand that cutting safety costs can ultimately cost far more.

Most importantly, we need a culture in which every preventable accident is treated as a warning rather than simply another statistic.

Because behind every number is a person.

Behind every incident report is a family.

Behind every workplace injury is a life potentially changed forever.

The question, therefore, is not whether we have enough safety rules.

The question is whether we are taking those rules seriously enough to save lives.

The challenge before Nigeria is to move from reactive safety to preventive safety — from collecting information after something goes wrong to using information to ensure it does not go wrong in the first place.

Safety should never be what we think about after the accident.

It should be what we think about before it.

Because when safety becomes an afterthought, the price is rarely paid by the policy makers who ignored the warning.

It is paid by the worker who does not return home, the child exposed to danger, the family left behind and the community forced to live with a tragedy that could have been prevented.

Safety is not an expense. It is an investment in human life.

And no investment is more important.

Dangote Refinery IPO Live Now: Africa’s Biggest-Ever Share Sale Is Open to Nigerians

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The book is open. This morning, 14 September 2026, the Dangote Petroleum Refinery launched the largest initial public offering in African history — and for the first time, an ordinary Nigerian can, in principle, own a slice of Africa’s biggest oil refinery.

Nigerian billionaire Aliko Dangote launched the largest share sale yet with the initial public offering of ‌his oil refinery, targeting the general public to raise as much as $2.1 billion for its expansion.

Dangote, Africa’s richest man, has marketed the offer of a roughly 3% stake as a “people’s IPO,” saying it is about giving ordinary Nigerians the opportunity to participate in the success of the plant.

The numbers at a glance

  
Share price₦525 per ordinary share
Shares on offer4.1 billion ordinary shares
Target proceeds~₦2.15 trillion (~$1.63bn)
Reported minimum subscription10 shares — ₦5,250
Subscription opens14 September 2026
PurposeA $14.3bn expansion that would roughly double refining capacity

Nigeria’s Securities and Exchange Commission approved the offer earlier this month (Reuters), and the market did not hesitate. Premium Times reports that billions of naira were subscribed within minutes of the book opening — a signal of appetite that has rarely been seen on the Nigerian Exchange.

Why this matters beyond the ticker

Nigeria has exported crude and imported refined products for decades. A fully operating, fully Nigerian-owned refinery changes the arithmetic of the biggest line item in every Nigerian household budget: fuel. Ownership is the next layer of that story. If millions of citizens hold equity in the asset that supplies their petrol, the politics of pricing, transparency and dividends change with it.

The uncomfortable question

Framed as an “IPO for the people,” the offer has drawn a sharp counter-reading. Deutsche Welle reports that for most Nigerians, the minimum ticket is out of practical reach — not because ₦5,250 is large in absolute terms, but because the household with ₦5,250 of discretionary cash after food and school fees is a minority household.

The offer’s motivation, DW argues, is equally straightforward: $14.3bn is a very large cheque, and continental retail capital is cheaper and more durable than any single lender’s. Both things can be true at once. This is genuinely historic and structurally exclusive. Report it that way.

What to watch next

  1. Final subscription figures — oversubscription ratios will drive the next news cycle.
  2. The closing date — sources currently differ, with 9 October and 14 October both reported. Confirm before publishing a fixed deadline.
  3. Listing date on the NSE and the secondary-market pop or flop that follows.
  4. Dividend policy language in the final prospectus.
  5. Expansion milestones — capacity, throughput, and export bookings.

FAQ

How much is a Dangote Refinery share? ₦525 per ordinary share in this offering.

What is the minimum I need? Reported at 10 shares, or ₦5,250. Verify against the final SEC-approved prospectus before acting.

Is this the biggest IPO in Africa? By the terms reported by AP, Bloomberg and Reuters, yes — Africa’s largest share sale to date.

⚠️ Editorial compliance note: add a one-line disclaimer — “This article is news reporting, not investment advice. Readers should consult the final prospectus and a licensed adviser before subscribing.” This materially reduces regulatory and liability risk on financial content.

Map Resize: The Hour Africa Got Its Dimension Back

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For 457 years, one map has shaped how generations of people around the world visualised the size of continents.

The Mercator projection, introduced in 1569, became one of the world’s most widely recognised maps. Originally designed primarily for navigation, its method of projecting the spherical Earth onto a flat surface makes landmasses closer to the poles appear significantly larger than they actually are.

The result? Greenland can appear comparable in size to Africa on some versions of the map, even though Africa is approximately 14 times larger.

But on September 4, 2026, the conversation about how the world is represented on maps took a new turn.

A United Nations resolution aimed at promoting a more accurate representation of continental landmasses was supported by 164 countries. The United States voted against it, while six countries abstained.

The development has triggered a much bigger conversation: Can changing the map change how the world sees Africa?

Also Read: AFRICA FUNDING G20

Africa Was Never Small

The physical size of Africa has not changed.

What has changed is the way that size can be visually represented.

The Equal Earth projection offers a more accurate comparison of continental areas, allowing viewers to better understand Africa’s actual geographical scale.

Africa covers more than 30 million square kilometres and is the world’s second-largest continent by both land area and population.

Yet, generations of students have grown up looking at maps where Africa appears visually smaller than it really is.

That difference may seem like a technical issue, but maps are not simply drawings.

They influence what people learn, what they imagine and how they understand the world.

More Than a Map

The debate surrounding the map has therefore moved beyond geography.

Supporters of efforts to promote more accurate maps argue that visual representation can influence perceptions of Africa’s importance, potential and place in the international system.

For young Africans especially, seeing the continent represented more accurately could provide a different understanding of its geographical scale.

Africa’s size is remarkable. Its landmass could accommodate the United States, China, India and several European countries combined.

Yet the continent is often discussed internationally through narratives of poverty, conflict and underdevelopment.

A more accurate map will not solve those challenges.

It will not create jobs, improve infrastructure or transform economies.

But it can challenge one particular misconception: the idea that Africa is somehow geographically small or marginal.

164 Countries Say Yes

The overwhelming support for the UN resolution has also introduced a geopolitical dimension to the debate.

With 164 countries voting in favour, the United States voting against and six countries abstaining, the outcome demonstrated broad international support for the proposal.

The disagreement also raises questions about how international institutions approach cartography and whether changing established representations should be considered a priority.

For Africa, however, the significance may lie beyond the vote itself.

It is an opportunity to ask why the continent has historically been represented in particular ways — and who gets to define the images through which the world understands Africa.

Can a Map Change a Mindset?

A map cannot change Africa’s economic or political reality.

But the images people repeatedly see can influence the assumptions they develop.

For generations, the Mercator projection has been used in classrooms, books, media and digital platforms around the world. Its distortions were never intended to diminish Africa; they were a consequence of the mathematical requirements of the projection.

Nevertheless, the visual effect remains.

Correcting the map therefore offers an opportunity to correct a perception.

And perhaps that is why the debate has resonated beyond geography.

It raises a larger question about representation: If Africa can challenge the way it is drawn on the map, what other misconceptions should it challenge?

Africa Must Also Represent Itself

The responsibility cannot rest entirely with international institutions.

African governments, educators, journalists, filmmakers, writers and media organisations also have a role to play in presenting a more complete picture of the continent.

Africa must tell its own stories — about its history, innovation, culture, cities, businesses, people and possibilities.

The continent should not only demand that the world see Africa accurately.

It must also ensure that Africa accurately represents itself.

The map may be changing, but the bigger challenge is changing the mindset surrounding it.

Africa was never small.

Its landmass has always been enormous. Its history has always been significant. Its people have always been diverse. And its potential has never been limited by the size assigned to it on a classroom wall.

The question now is not simply how big Africa is.

The question is: What will Africa do with the space, resources and potential it has always possessed?

The Hour Africa Got Its Dimension Back

For 457 years, one map has shaped how generations of people around the world visualised the size of continents.

The Mercator projection, introduced in 1569, became one of the world’s most widely recognised maps. Originally designed primarily for navigation, its method of projecting the spherical Earth onto a flat surface makes landmasses closer to the poles appear significantly larger than they actually are.

The result? Greenland can appear comparable in size to Africa on some versions of the map, even though Africa is approximately 14 times larger.

But on September 4, 2026, the conversation about how the world is represented on maps took a new turn.

A United Nations resolution aimed at promoting a more accurate representation of continental landmasses was supported by 164 countries. The United States voted against it, while six countries abstained.

The development has triggered a much bigger conversation: Can changing the map change how the world sees Africa?

Africa Was Never Small

The physical size of Africa has not changed.

What has changed is the way that size can be visually represented.

The Equal Earth projection offers a more accurate comparison of continental areas, allowing viewers to better understand Africa’s actual geographical scale.

Africa covers more than 30 million square kilometres and is the world’s second-largest continent by both land area and population.

Yet, generations of students have grown up looking at maps where Africa appears visually smaller than it really is.

That difference may seem like a technical issue, but maps are not simply drawings.

They influence what people learn, what they imagine and how they understand the world.

More Than a Map

The debate surrounding the map has therefore moved beyond geography.

Supporters of efforts to promote more accurate maps argue that visual representation can influence perceptions of Africa’s importance, potential and place in the international system.

For young Africans especially, seeing the continent represented more accurately could provide a different understanding of its geographical scale.

Africa’s size is remarkable. Its landmass could accommodate the United States, China, India and several European countries combined.

Yet the continent is often discussed internationally through narratives of poverty, conflict and underdevelopment.

A more accurate map will not solve those challenges.

It will not create jobs, improve infrastructure or transform economies.

But it can challenge one particular misconception: the idea that Africa is somehow geographically small or marginal.

164 Countries Say Yes

The overwhelming support for the UN resolution has also introduced a geopolitical dimension to the debate.

With 164 countries voting in favour, the United States voting against and six countries abstaining, the outcome demonstrated broad international support for the proposal.

The disagreement also raises questions about how international institutions approach cartography and whether changing established representations should be considered a priority.

For Africa, however, the significance may lie beyond the vote itself.

It is an opportunity to ask why the continent has historically been represented in particular ways — and who gets to define the images through which the world understands Africa.

Can a Map Change a Mindset?

A map cannot change Africa’s economic or political reality.

But the images people repeatedly see can influence the assumptions they develop.

For generations, the Mercator projection has been used in classrooms, books, media and digital platforms around the world. Its distortions were never intended to diminish Africa; they were a consequence of the mathematical requirements of the projection.

Nevertheless, the visual effect remains.

Correcting the map therefore offers an opportunity to correct a perception.

And perhaps that is why the debate has resonated beyond geography.

It raises a larger question about representation: If Africa can challenge the way it is drawn on the map, what other misconceptions should it challenge?

Africa Must Also Represent Itself

The responsibility cannot rest entirely with international institutions.

African governments, educators, journalists, filmmakers, writers and media organisations also have a role to play in presenting a more complete picture of the continent.

Africa must tell its own stories — about its history, innovation, culture, cities, businesses, people and possibilities.

The continent should not only demand that the world see Africa accurately.

It must also ensure that Africa accurately represents itself.

The map may be changing, but the bigger challenge is changing the mindset surrounding it.

Africa was never small.

Its landmass has always been enormous. Its history has always been significant. Its people have always been diverse. And its potential has never been limited by the size assigned to it on a classroom wall.

The question now is not simply how big Africa is.

The question is: What will Africa do with the space, resources and potential it has always possessed?